gender pay gap essay conclusion

Report | Wages, Incomes, and Wealth

“Women’s work” and the gender pay gap : How discrimination, societal norms, and other forces affect women’s occupational choices—and their pay

Report • By Jessica Schieder and Elise Gould • July 20, 2016

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What this report finds: Women are paid 79 cents for every dollar paid to men—despite the fact that over the last several decades millions more women have joined the workforce and made huge gains in their educational attainment. Too often it is assumed that this pay gap is not evidence of discrimination, but is instead a statistical artifact of failing to adjust for factors that could drive earnings differences between men and women. However, these factors—particularly occupational differences between women and men—are themselves often affected by gender bias. For example, by the time a woman earns her first dollar, her occupational choice is the culmination of years of education, guidance by mentors, expectations set by those who raised her, hiring practices of firms, and widespread norms and expectations about work–family balance held by employers, co-workers, and society. In other words, even though women disproportionately enter lower-paid, female-dominated occupations, this decision is shaped by discrimination, societal norms, and other forces beyond women’s control.

Why it matters, and how to fix it: The gender wage gap is real—and hurts women across the board by suppressing their earnings and making it harder to balance work and family. Serious attempts to understand the gender wage gap should not include shifting the blame to women for not earning more. Rather, these attempts should examine where our economy provides unequal opportunities for women at every point of their education, training, and career choices.

Introduction and key findings

Women are paid 79 cents for every dollar paid to men (Hegewisch and DuMonthier 2016). This is despite the fact that over the last several decades millions more women have joined the workforce and made huge gains in their educational attainment.

Critics of this widely cited statistic claim it is not solid evidence of economic discrimination against women because it is unadjusted for characteristics other than gender that can affect earnings, such as years of education, work experience, and location. Many of these skeptics contend that the gender wage gap is driven not by discrimination, but instead by voluntary choices made by men and women—particularly the choice of occupation in which they work. And occupational differences certainly do matter—occupation and industry account for about half of the overall gender wage gap (Blau and Kahn 2016).

To isolate the impact of overt gender discrimination—such as a woman being paid less than her male coworker for doing the exact same job—it is typical to adjust for such characteristics. But these adjusted statistics can radically understate the potential for gender discrimination to suppress women’s earnings. This is because gender discrimination does not occur only in employers’ pay-setting practices. It can happen at every stage leading to women’s labor market outcomes.

Take one key example: occupation of employment. While controlling for occupation does indeed reduce the measured gender wage gap, the sorting of genders into different occupations can itself be driven (at least in part) by discrimination. By the time a woman earns her first dollar, her occupational choice is the culmination of years of education, guidance by mentors, expectations set by those who raised her, hiring practices of firms, and widespread norms and expectations about work–family balance held by employers, co-workers, and society. In other words, even though women disproportionately enter lower-paid, female-dominated occupations, this decision is shaped by discrimination, societal norms, and other forces beyond women’s control.

This paper explains why gender occupational sorting is itself part of the discrimination women face, examines how this sorting is shaped by societal and economic forces, and explains that gender pay gaps are present even  within  occupations.

Key points include:

• Gender pay gaps within occupations persist, even after accounting for years of experience, hours worked, and education.
• Decisions women make about their occupation and career do not happen in a vacuum—they are also shaped by society.
• The long hours required by the highest-paid occupations can make it difficult for women to succeed, since women tend to shoulder the majority of family caretaking duties.
• Many professions dominated by women are low paid, and professions that have become female-dominated have become lower paid.

This report examines wages on an hourly basis. Technically, this is an adjusted gender wage gap measure. As opposed to weekly or annual earnings, hourly earnings ignore the fact that men work more hours on average throughout a week or year. Thus, the hourly gender wage gap is a bit smaller than the 79 percent figure cited earlier. This minor adjustment allows for a comparison of women’s and men’s wages without assuming that women, who still shoulder a disproportionate amount of responsibilities at home, would be able or willing to work as many hours as their male counterparts. Examining the hourly gender wage gap allows for a more thorough conversation about how many factors create the wage gap women experience when they cash their paychecks.

Within-occupation gender wage gaps are large—and persist after controlling for education and other factors

Those keen on downplaying the gender wage gap often claim women voluntarily choose lower pay by disproportionately going into stereotypically female professions or by seeking out lower-paid positions. But even when men and women work in the same occupation—whether as hairdressers, cosmetologists, nurses, teachers, computer engineers, mechanical engineers, or construction workers—men make more, on average, than women (CPS microdata 2011–2015).

As a thought experiment, imagine if women’s occupational distribution mirrored men’s. For example, if 2 percent of men are carpenters, suppose 2 percent of women become carpenters. What would this do to the wage gap? After controlling for differences in education and preferences for full-time work, Goldin (2014) finds that 32 percent of the gender pay gap would be closed.

However, leaving women in their current occupations and just closing the gaps between women and their male counterparts within occupations (e.g., if male and female civil engineers made the same per hour) would close 68 percent of the gap. This means examining why waiters and waitresses, for example, with the same education and work experience do not make the same amount per hour. To quote Goldin:

Another way to measure the effect of occupation is to ask what would happen to the aggregate gender gap if one equalized earnings by gender within each occupation or, instead, evened their proportions for each occupation. The answer is that equalizing earnings within each occupation matters far more than equalizing the proportions by each occupation. (Goldin 2014)

This phenomenon is not limited to low-skilled occupations, and women cannot educate themselves out of the gender wage gap (at least in terms of broad formal credentials). Indeed, women’s educational attainment outpaces men’s; 37.0 percent of women have a college or advanced degree, as compared with 32.5 percent of men (CPS ORG 2015). Furthermore, women earn less per hour at every education level, on average. As shown in Figure A , men with a college degree make more per hour than women with an advanced degree. Likewise, men with a high school degree make more per hour than women who attended college but did not graduate. Even straight out of college, women make $4 less per hour than men—a gap that has grown since 2000 (Kroeger, Cooke, and Gould 2016).

Women earn less than men at every education level : Average hourly wages, by gender and education, 2015

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The data underlying the figure.

Source :  EPI analysis of Current Population Survey Outgoing Rotation Group microdata

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Steering women to certain educational and professional career paths—as well as outright discrimination—can lead to different occupational outcomes

The gender pay gap is driven at least in part by the cumulative impact of many instances over the course of women’s lives when they are treated differently than their male peers. Girls can be steered toward gender-normative careers from a very early age. At a time when parental influence is key, parents are often more likely to expect their sons, rather than their daughters, to work in science, technology, engineering, or mathematics (STEM) fields, even when their daughters perform at the same level in mathematics (OECD 2015).

Expectations can become a self-fulfilling prophecy. A 2005 study found third-grade girls rated their math competency scores much lower than boys’, even when these girls’ performance did not lag behind that of their male counterparts (Herbert and Stipek 2005). Similarly, in states where people were more likely to say that “women [are] better suited for home” and “math is for boys,” girls were more likely to have lower math scores and higher reading scores (Pope and Sydnor 2010). While this only establishes a correlation, there is no reason to believe gender aptitude in reading and math would otherwise be related to geography. Parental expectations can impact performance by influencing their children’s self-confidence because self-confidence is associated with higher test scores (OECD 2015).

By the time young women graduate from high school and enter college, they already evaluate their career opportunities differently than young men do. Figure B shows college freshmen’s intended majors by gender. While women have increasingly gone into medical school and continue to dominate the nursing field, women are significantly less likely to arrive at college interested in engineering, computer science, or physics, as compared with their male counterparts.

Women arrive at college less interested in STEM fields as compared with their male counterparts : Intent of first-year college students to major in select STEM fields, by gender, 2014

Source:  EPI adaptation of Corbett and Hill (2015) analysis of Eagan et al. (2014)

These decisions to allow doors to lucrative job opportunities to close do not take place in a vacuum. Many factors might make it difficult for a young woman to see herself working in computer science or a similarly remunerative field. A particularly depressing example is the well-publicized evidence of sexism in the tech industry (Hewlett et al. 2008). Unfortunately, tech isn’t the only STEM field with this problem.

Young women may be discouraged from certain career paths because of industry culture. Even for women who go against the grain and pursue STEM careers, if employers in the industry foster an environment hostile to women’s participation, the share of women in these occupations will be limited. One 2008 study found that “52 percent of highly qualified females working for SET [science, technology, and engineering] companies quit their jobs, driven out by hostile work environments and extreme job pressures” (Hewlett et al. 2008). Extreme job pressures are defined as working more than 100 hours per week, needing to be available 24/7, working with or managing colleagues in multiple time zones, and feeling pressure to put in extensive face time (Hewlett et al. 2008). As compared with men, more than twice as many women engage in housework on a daily basis, and women spend twice as much time caring for other household members (BLS 2015). Because of these cultural norms, women are less likely to be able to handle these extreme work pressures. In addition, 63 percent of women in SET workplaces experience sexual harassment (Hewlett et al. 2008). To make matters worse, 51 percent abandon their SET training when they quit their job. All of these factors play a role in steering women away from highly paid occupations, particularly in STEM fields.

The long hours required for some of the highest-paid occupations are incompatible with historically gendered family responsibilities

Those seeking to downplay the gender wage gap often suggest that women who work hard enough and reach the apex of their field will see the full fruits of their labor. In reality, however, the gender wage gap is wider for those with higher earnings. Women in the top 95th percentile of the wage distribution experience a much larger gender pay gap than lower-paid women.

Again, this large gender pay gap between the highest earners is partially driven by gender bias. Harvard economist Claudia Goldin (2014) posits that high-wage firms have adopted pay-setting practices that disproportionately reward individuals who work very long and very particular hours. This means that even if men and women are equally productive per hour, individuals—disproportionately men—who are more likely to work excessive hours and be available at particular off-hours are paid more highly (Hersch and Stratton 2002; Goldin 2014; Landers, Rebitzer, and Taylor 1996).

It is clear why this disadvantages women. Social norms and expectations exert pressure on women to bear a disproportionate share of domestic work—particularly caring for children and elderly parents. This can make it particularly difficult for them (relative to their male peers) to be available at the drop of a hat on a Sunday evening after working a 60-hour week. To the extent that availability to work long and particular hours makes the difference between getting a promotion or seeing one’s career stagnate, women are disadvantaged.

And this disadvantage is reinforced in a vicious circle. Imagine a household where both members of a male–female couple have similarly demanding jobs. One partner’s career is likely to be prioritized if a grandparent is hospitalized or a child’s babysitter is sick. If the past history of employer pay-setting practices that disadvantage women has led to an already-existing gender wage gap for this couple, it can be seen as “rational” for this couple to prioritize the male’s career. This perpetuates the expectation that it always makes sense for women to shoulder the majority of domestic work, and further exacerbates the gender wage gap.

Female-dominated professions pay less, but it’s a chicken-and-egg phenomenon

Many women do go into low-paying female-dominated industries. Home health aides, for example, are much more likely to be women. But research suggests that women are making a logical choice, given existing constraints . This is because they will likely not see a significant pay boost if they try to buck convention and enter male-dominated occupations. Exceptions certainly exist, particularly in the civil service or in unionized workplaces (Anderson, Hegewisch, and Hayes 2015). However, if women in female-dominated occupations were to go into male-dominated occupations, they would often have similar or lower expected wages as compared with their female counterparts in female-dominated occupations (Pitts 2002). Thus, many women going into female-dominated occupations are actually situating themselves to earn higher wages. These choices thereby maximize their wages (Pitts 2002). This holds true for all categories of women except for the most educated, who are more likely to earn more in a male profession than a female profession. There is also evidence that if it becomes more lucrative for women to move into male-dominated professions, women will do exactly this (Pitts 2002). In short, occupational choice is heavily influenced by existing constraints based on gender and pay-setting across occupations.

To make matters worse, when women increasingly enter a field, the average pay in that field tends to decline, relative to other fields. Levanon, England, and Allison (2009) found that when more women entered an industry, the relative pay of that industry 10 years later was lower. Specifically, they found evidence of devaluation—meaning the proportion of women in an occupation impacts the pay for that industry because work done by women is devalued.

Computer programming is an example of a field that has shifted from being a very mixed profession, often associated with secretarial work in the past, to being a lucrative, male-dominated profession (Miller 2016; Oldenziel 1999). While computer programming has evolved into a more technically demanding occupation in recent decades, there is no skills-based reason why the field needed to become such a male-dominated profession. When men flooded the field, pay went up. In contrast, when women became park rangers, pay in that field went down (Miller 2016).

Further compounding this problem is that many professions where pay is set too low by market forces, but which clearly provide enormous social benefits when done well, are female-dominated. Key examples range from home health workers who care for seniors, to teachers and child care workers who educate today’s children. If closing gender pay differences can help boost pay and professionalism in these key sectors, it would be a huge win for the economy and society.

The gender wage gap is real—and hurts women across the board. Too often it is assumed that this gap is not evidence of discrimination, but is instead a statistical artifact of failing to adjust for factors that could drive earnings differences between men and women. However, these factors—particularly occupational differences between women and men—are themselves affected by gender bias. Serious attempts to understand the gender wage gap should not include shifting the blame to women for not earning more. Rather, these attempts should examine where our economy provides unequal opportunities for women at every point of their education, training, and career choices.

— This paper was made possible by a grant from the Peter G. Peterson Foundation. The statements made and views expressed are solely the responsibility of the authors.

— The authors wish to thank Josh Bivens, Barbara Gault, and Heidi Hartman for their helpful comments.

About the authors

Jessica Schieder joined EPI in 2015. As a research assistant, she supports the research of EPI’s economists on topics such as the labor market, wage trends, executive compensation, and inequality. Prior to joining EPI, Jessica worked at the Center for Effective Government (formerly OMB Watch) as a revenue and spending policies analyst, where she examined how budget and tax policy decisions impact working families. She holds a bachelor’s degree in international political economy from Georgetown University.

Elise Gould , senior economist, joined EPI in 2003. Her research areas include wages, poverty, economic mobility, and health care. She is a co-author of The State of Working America, 12th Edition . In the past, she has authored a chapter on health in The State of Working America 2008/09; co-authored a book on health insurance coverage in retirement; published in venues such as The Chronicle of Higher Education ,  Challenge Magazine , and Tax Notes; and written for academic journals including Health Economics , Health Affairs, Journal of Aging and Social Policy, Risk Management & Insurance Review, Environmental Health Perspectives , and International Journal of Health Services . She holds a master’s in public affairs from the University of Texas at Austin and a Ph.D. in economics from the University of Wisconsin at Madison.

Anderson, Julie, Ariane Hegewisch, and Jeff Hayes 2015. The Union Advantage for Women . Institute for Women’s Policy Research.

Blau, Francine D., and Lawrence M. Kahn 2016. The Gender Wage Gap: Extent, Trends, and Explanations . National Bureau of Economic Research, Working Paper No. 21913.

Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). 2015. American Time Use Survey public data series. U.S. Census Bureau.

Corbett, Christianne, and Catherine Hill. 2015. Solving the Equation: The Variables for Women’s Success in Engineering and Computing . American Association of University Women (AAUW).

Current Population Survey Outgoing Rotation Group microdata (CPS ORG). 2011–2015. Survey conducted by the Bureau of the Census for the Bureau of Labor Statistics [ machine-readable microdata file ]. U.S. Census Bureau.

Goldin, Claudia. 2014. “ A Grand Gender Convergence: Its Last Chapter .” American Economic Review, vol. 104, no. 4, 1091–1119.

Hegewisch, Ariane, and Asha DuMonthier. 2016. The Gender Wage Gap: 2015; Earnings Differences by Race and Ethnicity . Institute for Women’s Policy Research.

Herbert, Jennifer, and Deborah Stipek. 2005. “The Emergence of Gender Difference in Children’s Perceptions of Their Academic Competence.” Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology , vol. 26, no. 3, 276–295.

Hersch, Joni, and Leslie S. Stratton. 2002. “ Housework and Wages .” The Journal of Human Resources , vol. 37, no. 1, 217–229.

Hewlett, Sylvia Ann, Carolyn Buck Luce, Lisa J. Servon, Laura Sherbin, Peggy Shiller, Eytan Sosnovich, and Karen Sumberg. 2008. The Athena Factor: Reversing the Brain Drain in Science, Engineering, and Technology . Harvard Business Review.

Kroeger, Teresa, Tanyell Cooke, and Elise Gould. 2016.  The Class of 2016: The Labor Market Is Still Far from Ideal for Young Graduates . Economic Policy Institute.

Landers, Renee M., James B. Rebitzer, and Lowell J. Taylor. 1996. “ Rat Race Redux: Adverse Selection in the Determination of Work Hours in Law Firms .” American Economic Review , vol. 86, no. 3, 329–348.

Levanon, Asaf, Paula England, and Paul Allison. 2009. “Occupational Feminization and Pay: Assessing Causal Dynamics Using 1950-2000 U.S. Census Data.” Social Forces, vol. 88, no. 2, 865–892.

Miller, Claire Cain. 2016. “As Women Take Over a Male-Dominated Field, the Pay Drops.” New York Times , March 18.

Oldenziel, Ruth. 1999. Making Technology Masculine: Men, Women, and Modern Machines in America, 1870-1945 . Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). 2015. The ABC of Gender Equality in Education: Aptitude, Behavior, Confidence .

Pitts, Melissa M. 2002. Why Choose Women’s Work If It Pays Less? A Structural Model of Occupational Choice. Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta, Working Paper 2002-30.

Pope, Devin G., and Justin R. Sydnor. 2010. “ Geographic Variation in the Gender Differences in Test Scores .” Journal of Economic Perspectives , vol. 24, no. 2, 95–108.

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The Gender Pay Gap: a Persistent Issue in The Modern Workplace

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The reality of the gender pay gap, the impact of the gender pay gap, potential solutions and policy implications.

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The Gender Pay Gap and Strategies for Equality Essay

Implementing gender equality policies is necessary to give women equal chances. To guarantee the presence of women in working groups, adequate oversight is required. Equal chances for women should be provided to prevent female aggression. They can compete in labor in the organization relative to males. When women are denied chances in society, they speak up for their rights and engage in violent behavior (Corporate Responsibility Magazine’s 100 Best Corporate Citizens, n.d.). To promote equality and further the socialization process, it is essential to regularly review an organization’s records to ensure that women are employed there.

Consequently, these normative theories critically assess the problem and offer answers by endorsing a person’s arguments by their preferences. These theories study how gender norms and inequality are maintained using a conflict perspective. These theories, further, will encourage women’s employment decisions and provide them with happiness if they want to do so. Whether a practice is morally excellent or immoral, deontological ethics is the branch that adheres to a code of ethics. These actions do not consider their effects. In contrast, a utilitarian ethic asserts that a method should be implemented with highly favorable results.

To address the gender wage gap, additional job options are needed. As CEO, you should put policies into place that will give women in the organization chances to work in appropriate positions. By including more women and avoiding including more males than women, the disparity may be reduced to 10%. Because some jobs may only be done, especially by males, the gap cannot be zero. Men are powerful enough to do every activity, but women cannot accomplish every duty correctly. The gap will therefore persist but may be closed.

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The Gender Pay Gap Situation

This essay will analyze the current state of the gender pay gap. It will explore its causes, the progress made in closing the gap, and ongoing challenges in achieving gender pay equality. You can also find more related free essay samples at PapersOwl about Discrimination.

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Despite numerous feminist movements and policies put in place to promote gender inequality, women still do not get paid as much as men. The gender pay gap is the difference between what the average man and woman makes. Wade (2018) found that full time working women make $0.82 for every dollar that a full time working man makes. The gap has slowly gotten smaller since women were first allowed to work, however, it still persists. According to the Institute for Women’s Policy Research (2018), “if change continues at the same slow pace as it has done for the past fifty years, it will take 40 years—or until 2059—for women to finally reach pay parity. Need a custom essay on the same topic? Give us your paper requirements, choose a writer and we’ll deliver the highest-quality essay! Order now

” If unequal pay persists for another 40 years, it may cause significant problems for our economy. The gender pay gap is caused by gender job segregation, discrimination, and the ideologies about motherhood and work.

“Gender job segregation is the practice of filling occupations with mostly male or mostly female workers,” (Wade, 2018, p. 326). People often associate different jobs with different genders. For example, construction work is seen as masculine, whereas, childcare work is seen as more feminine. People associate gender with these jobs based off of the stereotypical traits that each gender has. For example, men are seen as strong and tough which would make them good construction workers, and women are seen as compassionate and nurturing which would make them good caregivers. According to Cech (2013), gender job segregation is one of the largest factors contributing to the gender pay gap.

Wade (2018) found that there are three main hypotheses that explain the cause of gender job segregation: socialization hypothesis, employer selection hypothesis, and the selective exit hypothesis. As discussed earlier, people associate gender with different jobs, and they also associate stereotypical traits with each gender. “The socialization hypothesis suggests that men and women respond to gender stereotypes when planning, training, and applying for jobs” (Wade, 2018, p. 329). The employer selection hypothesis is similar to the socialization hypothesis except it refers to the employer. Instead of people deciding their career based off of gender stereotypes, the employer chooses workers based on gender stereotypes. The hypothesis suggests that employers will choose men for stereotypical masculine jobs, and women for stereotypical feminine jobs (Wade, 2018, p. 330). Both of these hypotheses suggest that people strongly associate different jobs and traits with different genders, and that people base their decisions off of them. The last hypothesis is the selective exit hypothesis. According to Wade (2018), the selective exit hypothesis suggests that when women are hired into male dominated occupations, they often quit and join female dominated occupations. This often happens because they experience a negative work environment.

One of the reasons why gender job segregation is one of the largest factors contributing to the gender pay gap is because female-dominated occupations are valued less than male-dominated occupations, therefore, female-dominated occupations have significantly lower wages than male-dominated occupations. The Bureau of Labor Statistics found that the top 5 highest paying jobs are more than 60% male, and 72% of the lowest paying jobs are majority female (as cited in Wade, 2018, p. 334). “A common explanation for the association is found in devaluation theory, according to which women’s work suffers from discrimination in pay because the traits and skills identifies with femininity are valued less than are masculine traits” (Mandel, 2013, p. 1183). The devaluation theory basically suggests that the reason why female-dominated occupations have lower wages is because the stereotypical traits associated with being a female are undervalued compared to those of a man. Wade (2018) states that a lot of people view work done by women as a natural part of being a woman, rather than a skill and should, therefore, be compensated less. Women’s work and skills are so undervalued that when they do move into male-occupations, those occupations start to be paid les as well. Mandel (2013) found that when more women moved into highly paid occupations, the wages decreased. When occupations start to include more women, their wages will decrease. Women will experience lower wages no matter the job, occupation, or field they go into because their traits and skills are very undervalued, and people believe they shouldn’t be paid as much because of it.

Another main contributor to the gender pay gap is gender discrimination in the workplace. Gender ideologies and stereotypes are the main cause of gender discrimination. According to Bobbitt-Zeher (2011, p. 766), “Consciously or not, individuals translate ideas about gender into discriminatory behaviors through sex categorization and gender stereotyping.” Bobbitt-Zeher (2011) also states that there are two different kind of gender stereotypes, descriptive and prescriptive gender stereotypes. “Descriptive stereotypes concern beliefs about traits that one gender has; prescriptive stereotypes involve beliefs about traits one gender should have” (Bobbitt-Zeher, 2011, p. 766). These stereotypes can lead to discrimination when the traits associated with the gender don’t match with the traits associated with the occupation (Bobbitt-Zeher, 2011). Gender stereotypes influence the way we view others, as well as how we act and behave around or towards them, therefore, they can easily lead to discrimination. There are many types of gender discrimination in the workplace. Wade (2018, p. 341) found that “Scholars have identified three forms it takes: men’s hostile and benevolent sexism, women’s double binds, and employer’s preference for men.”

Sexism in the workplace creates a hostile environment for all employees. Hostile sexism is the most obvious type of sexism in the workplace. Yi (n.d.) describes hostile sexism as “any antagonism toward women who challenge male power.” According to Wade (2018), men who hold hostile sexist beliefs think that women should be at home with their children, and these men might also see women as a threat to their identity and authority. Hostile sexism can often lead to sexual harassment and assault. Women working in male-dominated occupations have an increased risk of experiencing sexual harassment and assault. One study found that 60% of female construction workers experienced sexual harassment at least once, and 30% of these workers experienced sexual harassment on a daily basis (Shaw, Hegewisch, & Hess, 2018). Benevolent sexism is more subtle than hostile sexism. Benevolent sexism is when men try to shield and protect women from having to do masculine tasks, which can prevent women from being able to do their jobs (Wade, 2018). Yi (n.d) found that men who perpetrate benevolent sexism view women as delicate and fragile and believe that they need to be protected. Benevolent sexist beliefs stem from stereotypes about women, and ultimately hurt their chances of being able to advance their careers.

Due to the sexism and discriminate women experience at work, especially those in male-dominated occupations, women face a double bind. The Cambridge Dictionary defines double bind as “a difficult situation in which, whatever action you decide to take, you cannot escape unpleasant results” (Double bind, n.d.). Since women are stereotyped as being fragile, nurturing, emotional, and delicate, they are often seen as unsuitable for masculine occupations. Women in male-dominated occupations need to be more masculine so they are seen as more competent and suitable for their jobs. “To be successful at her job, a woman needs to do masculinity, but to be accepted by her boss, colleagues, and clients, she needs to do femininity” (Wade, 2018, p. 345). This is a lose-lose situation for women. If they are more masculine, they will succeed at their jobs, however, this makes them vulnerable for discrimination from their boss and coworkers. Wade (2018, p. 345) found that “feminine women are seen as likeable but incompetent, while women who do masculinity are seen as competent but not likeable.” This makes it impossible for women to be good at their jobs and like by their boss and coworkers. No matter what they do, they are discriminated against.

Working women also have to deal with employer’s preference for men. This is the case in both male and female-dominated occupations. The effects of sexism and double binds make it hard for women to do their jobs effectively, as well as receive proper training and feedback from their employers. This makes it harder for women to advance their careers. Women in male-dominated occupations don’t receive the same opportunities as men do. This includes promotions, raises, and training. Wade (2018, p. 346) describes the glass ceiling as “an invisible barrier between women and top positions in masculine occupations.” Even when women have the same amount, or even more, of education, training, and experience as men, they are still passed over for promotions, raises, and other opportunities. When women do get passed the glass ceiling and are hired into a top position, they have a much higher risk of failing compared to men, this is known as the glass cliff (Wade, 2018). Women face many obstacles in male-dominated occupations that are impossible to get around, but they also face many obstacles in female-dominated occupations as well. Men in feminine occupations experience the glass escalator which Wade (2018, p.347) describes as “an invisible ride to the top offered to men in female-dominated occupations.” In every occupation and field, men are given more opportunities than women despite their level of education, experience, or training. Women face impossible obstacles and are discriminated against in all occupations, which leads to them having lower wages and benefits, and eventually can lead to them having lower ambition and aspirations.

The final contributing factor to the gender pay gap is the ideologies about motherhood and work. Mothers experience an even greater amount of discrimination at work than women who don’t have any children, because of how people view ideal workers and ideal mothers. Wade (2018, p. 348) describes the ideal worker norm as “the idea that an employee should commit their energies to their job without the distraction of family responsibilities.” This concept portrays mothers as non-ideal workers because they have children. Bernard and Correll (2010,) found that women with children are seen as less qualified and committed by their employers than those without children. Since their employers view them as a less ideal worker, their pay is significantly decreased; this is referred to as the motherhood penalty (Wade, 2018). The same concept does not apply to fathers. Men with children receive an increase in pay which is known as the fatherhood premium (Wade, 2018). According to Bernard and Correl (2010), when mothers do prove themselves to be qualified and competent employees, they are still discriminated against due to prescriptive stereotypes of how mothers should act and behave. When mothers do succeed at work, then they are spending less time and effort at home with their children, which makes their boss and coworkers view them as a bad mother. Working moms experience their own double bind. If they are more focused and dedicated to caring for their children, then they are seen as bad workers, if they are focused and dedicated at work, then they are seen as bad mothers. Working mothers may also be put on what is known as the mommy track. Wade (2018, p. 349) describes the mommy track as “a workplace euphemism that refers to expecting less intense commitment from mothers, with the understanding that they’re sacrificing the right to expect equal pay, regular raises, or promotions.” This often happens after women take time off to care for their young children, which sets them back in their careers and makes it harder for them to reenter the workforce.

References:

Benard, S., & Correll, S. (2010). Normative discrimination and the motherhood penalty. Gender and Society, 24(5), 616-646. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/25741207

Bobbitt-Zeher, D. (2011). Gender discrimination at work: Connecting gender stereotypes, institutional policies, and gender composition of workplace. Gender and Society, 25(6), 764-786. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/23212199

Cech, E. (2013). The self-expressive edge of occupational sex segregation. American Journal of Sociology, 119(3), 747-789. doi:10.1086/673969

Double bind. (n.d.) In Cambridge English Dictionary. Retrieved from https://dictionary.cambridge.org/us/dictionary/english/double-bind

Institute for Women's Policy Research. (2018, September 12). Pay equity & discrimination. Retrieved from https://iwpr.org/issue/employment-education-economic-change/pay-equity-discrimination/

Mandel, H. (2013). Up the down staircase: Women's upward mobility and the wage penalty for occupational feminization, 1970-2007. Social Forces, 91(4), 1183-1207. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/43287497

Shaw, E., Hegewisch, A., & Hess, C. (2018, October 15). Sexual harassment and assault at work: Understanding the costs. Retrieved from https://iwpr.org/publications/sexual-harassment-work-cost/

Wade, L., & Ferree, M. M. (2018). Work. Gender: Ideas, interactions, and institutions (2nd ed., pp. 320-355). New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company.

Yi, J. (n.d.). The role of benevolent sexism in gender inequality. Retrieved from https://wp.nyu.edu/steinhardt-appsych_opus/the-role-of-benevolent-sexism-in-gender-inequality/

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