essay about education in uzbekistan

Education in Uzbekistan

Located in Central Asia, Uzbekistan has a population of over 26 million people. As the region’s most populated country, the government has taken significant measures to ensure high quality instruction for all children.

The Law on Education, established in 1997, states that all citizens have the right to education in Uzbekistan . After minor revisions, the law also encompasses that citizens are required to attend nine years of primary and secondary schooling. Students are then allowed to either continue with higher education for three years or seek vocational training, education that prepares children for a specific career path.

The Ministry of Public Education and the Ministry of Higher and Secondary Specialized Education are responsible for all pre-school, general education schools, higher learning establishments and vocational education. Together, they have been working to improve state educational standards and curriculum, reconstruct school buildings and strengthen teachers’ capacities at all levels.

Research shows that access to primary and secondary education in Uzbekistan is above average for the sub-region. The net enrollment rate for primary school is 97 percent, compared to the lesser 92 percent average of the Central Asian countries. Students also have a 100 percent transition rate to secondary school, indicating that the gap in access between primary to secondary school is virtually non-existent.

However, the Government of Uzbekistan does struggle with early childhood education . Only 20 percent of children aged 3 years old to 5 years old are attending preschool, a figure that was much higher prior to independence. The limited access to preschool and primary school for the 130,000 children with disabilities remains an area of primary concern.

Although methods such as homeschooling are available for these children, they have proven insufficient in meeting the educational needs of this young population. There are few schools and teachers with the necessary supplies and training to deal with children with severe disabilities and learning difficulties. Thus school quality has been a recent target for improvement. In 2006, a learning assessment given to a small group of Uzbek students illustrated that only 30 percent of children were considered to be competent in basic mathematic skills. Likewise, a mere 30 percent of children scored above a proficient level in the literacy assessment.

Many attribute the basic levels of math and literacy to the shortage of teachers. Although teacher salaries have been raised, a large gap exists between teacher wages and the average salary in Uzbekistan. Schools not only find it extremely difficult to recruit new prospects, but also to keep experienced teachers.

Although education in Uzbekistan has seen great improvement over the years, a lot more can be done in order to see the country succeed. According to UNICEF, the Government of Uzbekistan has to increase educational access to children in remote areas and those with special needs. In addition, school infrastructure must be structured to accommodate students with disabilities as well as create a safe and workable environment for teachers and students alike. With these changes, there is great hope that children in Uzbekistan will have a bright future ahead of them.

– Leeda Jewayni

Sources: Education, Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency , UNICEF , UNESCO Photo: UNDP

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Cooperation between the government of Uzbekistan and UNESCO in education

During the last couple of years the relations between Uzbekistan and UNESCO has reached an unprecedented levels in all spheres of UNESCO’s mandate. The education sector has been among the top areas of bilateral relationship that was discussed during the meetings of the President of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev with UNESCO’s Director General Audrey Azoulay in 2018, 2019 and 2022.

Since 2018, UNESCO has enormously increased technical support in education. With launching several new projects, the education portfolio has reached 13 million USD. Teacher trainings, youth support, vocational education development, etc.

Uzbekistan has contributed a lot to UNESCO’s efforts especially to promote preschool education. UNESCO appreciates Uzbekistan’s leadership in arranging WCECCE in 2022 in Tashkent on the highest level (Tashkent Declaration – roadmap unt9il 2030, future follow-ups, etc).

All the success stories in Uzbekistan-UNESCO cooperation in education have deep roots and strong background in large-scale socio-economic reforms launched under President Shavkat Mirziyoyev. He proposed some major initiatives – establishment of Ministry of Preschool Education (2017-2022), deep upgrade of entire school curriculum based on advanced experience of developed countries, gradual introduction of free meal system in schools etc.

These bold steps taken by the Government of Uzbekistan, in particular with the support by international community, including UNESCO, have provided some tangible results for a short period. Access to preschool education since 2017 has reached from 27% to 70%, the higher education from 8% to 38%, the number of schools has reached to 10 thousand, universities to 186.

Uzbekistan is committed to expand the efforts aimed at promoting education to reach SDG 4 by 2030. UNESCO stands ready to support the Government of Uzbekistan in its educational reforms. 

From the address by President Shavkat Mirziyoyev to WCECCE participants: “We have defined the creation of decent living conditions for the people of our country as a priority of the New Uzbekistan’s policy. In this regard, we attach great importance, above all, to the care and practical support of young people and children, raising them physically healthy and spiritually mature generation.”

From the address by Audrey Azoulay,Director-General of UNESCO to WCECCE participants: "Organizing WCECCE conference in Tashkent illustrates the strengthening if not blooming cooperation between Uzbekistan and UNESCO… Uzbekistan building its long tradition of fostering discussions and inspiring progress in science, in culture and education. We all know famous names of great cities: Samarqand, Bukhara, Khiva and we all know scientific knowledge that produced by country from Avicenna, Al-Khwarizmi and Ulugh Beg and many more. This tradition of excellence is matched by an unwavering commitment to education building on this history and building on the future and especially regarding the subjects that brings us together. Indeed, Uzbekistan has made early childhood education and care a priority with a pre-primary enrolment rate that has more than doubled in just a few years. It’s one the best, but also one of the most difficult investment for the future”.

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Uzbekistan: Higher Education Reforms and the Changing Landscape Since Independence

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• Umar Burkhanov 9  

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This chapter is the first study that carefully documents higher education (HE) reforms in Uzbekistan since the demise of the former Soviet Union. It analyses evolution of the sector with clear emphasis on government policy and its impact on changing the country’s higher education landscape since independence. The study highlights complex interactions between the distinct pre- and post-independence contexts, policy legislation and its implementation on the one hand, and the demands of the new market-based economic system and the requirements of building and strengthening state institutions to support the transition process on the other hand. The paper will show why the country’s peculiar ‘strictly top-down’ approach to reforms has not been successful in improving a number of key areas including access to higher education, and human as well as physical capacities of higher education institutions which ultimately determine the quality of higher education provisioning.

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Introduction.

Higher education (HE) played an important role in the pre-independence period under central planning, as it helped to provide the economy with specialist skills to support the country’s industrialisation drive; it also served as a means through which the prevailing ideology was promoted. HE plays a no less important role in modern market-based economies. In well-functioning meritocratic economic systems, HE can serve as a catalyst for achieving social mobility and cohesion, matching individual aspirations and societal goals in the process.

Uzbekistan has a long tradition of HE, albeit in a narrower sense of the term. It inherited territory mostly comprising the three independent khanates (kingdoms ruled by Khans ) centred in Bukhara, Khiva and Kokand, which ruled central Asia between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries. The education system in pre-Soviet times in central Asia, also known as Turkistan at the time, included maktabs (schools) and madrasas (colleges), both funded by landed estates and charitable donations. Maktabs taught basic reading and writing skills, and more talented students went to study at madrasas by the age of 14, where they would spend another 10 years studying theology, literature, law, philosophy and other worldly wisdom (Allworth 1994; Majidov et al. 2010 ). One of the universities in modern Uzbekistan, Samarkand State University, claims to be a spiritual heir to Samarkand’s well-known fifteenth century Madrasai Oliya (Higher Madrasa) established by Timurid king and astronomer Ulugbek, where advanced math and astronomy were also taught. The country’s first modern and secular HE institution, Turkistan National University, was created in April 1918 in Tashkent under Soviet rule. The name of the university has changed several times since then: to Central Asian State University in 1923, Tashkent State University in 1960 and finally to the National University of Uzbekistan in 2000.

This chapter is the first study that carefully documents the evolution of higher education reforms in Uzbekistan since the demise of the Soviet Union (SU). It examines key HE reforms undertaken in Uzbekistan since independence and analyses the impact of these reforms on the changing landscape of the HE system in the country. The study highlights complex interactions between policy legislation and its implementation on the one hand, and the demands of the new market-based economic system and the requirements of building and strengthening state institutions on the other hand.

In the next section, we provide brief background information on Uzbekistan’s unique approach to transition, as it closely resonates with the country’s HE system reforms. The basic determinants of HE demand since independence are discussed in the section ‘ Determinants of HE Demand ’. In the section ‘ Key HE Reforms Since Independence ’, we discuss the key characteristics of the HE system at the time of independence and examine fundamental and systematic HE reforms introduced since 1991. The impact of HE reforms in shaping the current HE landscape in the country is analysed in the section ‘ Reforms and the Current Landscape of HE ’. Finally, discussions and concluding remarks are presented in the section ‘ Discussion and Concluding Remarks ’.

Uzbekistan’s General Approach to Economic Reforms

Unprecedented political and economic developments that swept across the former communist bloc countries in the late 1980s and the early 1990s did not leave Uzbekistan unaffected. Similar to other former Soviet republics, the country gained its independence in 1991 after the dissolution of the SU. The disintegration of the SU was seen by many as final proof of the triumph of a market-based economic system over one that is centrally planned. Following the prevailing euphoric expectations at the time about the advantages of a market-based economic system, Uzbekistan also joined other post-communist economies and committed itself to a transition towards a market economy.

Transition from a centrally planned economy to a market-based economy, as promoted by influential international financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, required fundamental and comprehensive reforms in both sociopolitical and economic spheres of life. In terms of the former, this entailed a move away from a single-party administrative bureaucratic system towards a multiparty civil society based on democratic institutions and a replacement of communist ideology with a national ideology that was consistent with free market principles. In terms of the latter, this involved the introduction and protection of private property rights, privatisation of state-owned enterprises and facilitation of private entrepreneurial initiatives. Further institutional reforms in the monetary, banking, fiscal and judiciary systems, as well as price liberalisation and the achievement of macroeconomic stabilisation, were needed to support the transformation process. Changing the structure and composition of disciplines taught at higher education institutions (HEIs) and reorienting the priorities of the HE system were equally important as the system prepared personnel for the new economic system and social order.

Although the Uzbek government agreed with the essence of this comprehensive reform package, its gradualist approach to transition was unique in terms of the pace, sequencing and prioritisation of reforms, resulting in the so-called Uzbek model of economic development (Pomfret 2000 ). The Uzbek model emphasised, among other things, the guiding role of the state during transition, the precedence of economics over politics and a gradualist approach to reform implementation (Karimov 1995 , 1998 ). Hence, in principle, Uzbekistan adopted a ‘developmental state’ approach to transition: the authorities decided to maintain complete control over the ‘commanding heights’ of the economy, including the HE sector as well as the transport, communications and media industries and the financial, agricultural and extractive sectors.

The regulations allow the entry of small-scale private enterprises to certain sectors such as finance and agriculture, but large organisations with systemic importance remain state-owned and hence state-controlled. In other sectors, such as HE and extractive industries, no direct private sector participation is permitted. It is therefore not surprising that Uzbekistan’s general approach to HE reforms has been described as top-down and strictly centralised, offering little or no autonomy to HEIs in matters concerning course design, student intake and management of own finances (Weidman and Yoder 2010 ).

Determinants of HE Demand

The supply of and demand for HE services play equally important roles in shaping the structure of a national HE sector. Public policy and regulation ultimately determine the quantity of HE supply and at what cost it will be provided. The key demand-side factors, on the other hand, include structural transformation of the economy, improvements in per capita income levels, demographic conditions, and the changing aspirations and preferences of the general public. Before embarking on a detailed analysis of HE policy and regulation, we will briefly discuss some of these demand-side phenomena.

With a population of over 20 million, Uzbekistan was the third largest former Soviet republic in 1990 after the Russian Federation and the Ukraine. It was, however, one of the poorest and least industrialised countries of the Soviet Union: its per capita income level in 1988 was only 62 % of the USSR average and the share of industrial production in GDP was 33 % in 1990 (Ruziev et al. 2007 ). The country’s population increased from around 21 million in 1991 to around 31 million in 2014 (ADB 2015 ). Further, the share of 14- to 24-year-olds in the general population expanded by over 1 million between 1990 and 2015, which highlights a significant growth in demand for HE services during independence.

Figure 17.1 shows data on the changing structure of the economy during independence. In 1993, in terms of the national income, agriculture accounted for 36 %; manufacturing, mining, energy and construction jointly accounted for 35 %; public administration, trade and transport for around 10 %; and financial and other services for the remaining 19 %. As the economy slowly moved towards a free market system, some sectors shrunk and others expanded in relative size. The most notable changes can be observed in relation to agriculture, which fell by almost half, to 17 % of GDP by 2012, and services, which increased from around 30 % of GDP in 1993 to more than 50 % of GDP in 2012. Although the share of manufacturing, mining and energy in the national income remained relatively stable during this time, the composition changed. While some industries shrank in size or disappeared (agricultural machine building shrank, and airplane building industries disappeared), others emerged and expanded (a strong automotive industry emerged, and the mining and energy sectors expanded).

Share of GDP by industrial origin in Uzbekistan, 1993–2012 (Source: ADB ( 2015 ))

As the composition of the economy changed, so did the structure of the demand for labour. As can be seen in Fig. 17.2 , in 1991 more than 40 % of the employed labour force worked in agriculture, 14 % in industry and the rest in other sectors. By 2012, only 27 % of the employed labour force worked in agriculture, 13 % in industry and the remaining 60 % in the services sector. The growing importance of services is a natural phenomenon, as the sector was underdeveloped in the centrally planned economy. Further, the demand for services is expected to increase even more with rising per capita income levels: it is estimated that four of every five new jobs created in the economy between 2010 and 2030 will be in the services sector (World Bank 2014 , 28).

Employment by economic sector in Uzbekistan, 1991–2012 (Source: ADB ( 2015 ))

In terms of economic performance, the size of the economy expanded and per capital income levels also rose notably during transition, after a slight dip in the early 1990s (Ruziev et al. 2007 ). The economy has experienced strong and sustained growth of around 8 % per year since the mid-2000s. The country’s GDP, measured in current US dollars, grew from around $US13 billion in 1990 to more than $US63 billion in 2014. In PPP dollar terms, it grew from $US62 billion in 1990 to around $US165 billion in 2014 (World Bank 2015 ). Per capita income levels also rose during this period. GDP per capita rose from around $US650 in 1990 to more than $US2000 in 2014 in current US dollars, and from around $US3000 in 1990 to $US5300 in 2014 in PPP dollar terms. In terms of income distribution, limited available data indicate an inverted U-shaped behaviour for the period between 1988 and 2003: the Gini coefficient was 24 in 1988, 44 in 1998, 36 in 2000 and 35 in 2003 (World Bank 2015 ).

The demand for HE increased strongly during independence in response to changing economic conditions and demographic dynamics, necessitating a supply-side transformation in the HE sector. In line with a generally cautious and gradualist approach by the authorities to transition, however, HE sector reforms were introduced only slowly and gradually. Some important changes, although ad hoc in nature, were introduced in the first half of the 1990s. These included the enactment of the Law on Education in 1992 combined with growth of student intakes in accounting, banking, economics and other business related disciplines, which were deemed particularly important in the early years of transition. Truly fundamental and systematic reforms, however, were not introduced until the second half of the 1990s.

Key HE Reforms Since Independence

Upon independence in 1991, Uzbekistan inherited an education system that was organisationally and structurally similar to those found in other members of the Former Soviet Union (FSU). As can be seen in Table 17.1 , in 1988–89 there were 43 HEIs in Uzbekistan, including 40 specialised institutes and 3 comprehensive universities. Around 310,000 students studied 5-year taught degree courses in these HEIs, of which around 45 % were enrolled in evening and correspondence courses (Brunner and Tillett 2007 , 158). Almost half of the student population specialised in education, a quarter in industry and construction, around 10 % in agriculture, and the rest in other areas such as healthcare and sports, transport and communications, and economics and law (Goskomstat 1989 ). With approximately 15 % of the relevant age cohort studying at HEIs in 1991, access to higher education in the country was among the lowest in the former Soviet Union (UNDP 2008 ).

Of the 40 specialised institutes that concentrated on specific fields of knowledge such as agriculture and medicine, 14 were teacher-training institutes specialising in education, 10 in engineering and technical studies, 7 in medical-pharmaceutical studies, 3 in agricultural studies, 3 in arts and culture, 3 in national economy and cooperative services, and 1 in physical training and sports. The three comprehensive universities offered HE courses in a wide range of specialisations, except for medicine, and were also larger, collectively accounting for around 12 % of the overall student population. The universities were better funded in terms of physical infrastructure and human capital, more prestigious and located in major politically and economically important cities such as Tashkent (the capital city since 1930), Samarkand (Uzbekistan’s first capital city until 1930 and the country’s cultural centre) and Nukus (the capital of the Karakalpak Autonomous Republic).

Another peculiar feature of the pre-independence HE system in Uzbekistan was that almost half of all HEIs were located in Tashkent, where around 60 % of the student population studied (see the last two columns of Table 17.1 ). The concentration of HEIs in Tashkent was influenced by a combination of factors. First, most manufacturing industries in pre-independence Uzbekistan were concentrated in and around Tashkent, which made the city the most prosperous administrative region in the country; its per capita output exceeded the national average by more than two and a half times. Second, Tashkent was the largest regional city in central Asia with a population of around 2 million in 1990 and had been historically seen as a higher education hub for the country and the central Asian region. For example, the National University of Uzbekistan bore the name the Central Asian University until 1960, and the Tashkent Institute of Paediatric Medicine was called the Central Asian Institute of Paediatric Medicine until 1988. Both played regionally important roles in central Asia at certain points in their history. Third, as a rule, almost all regions had teacher-training institutes. Regionally important agricultural and medical institutes existed only in some regions such as Samarkand and Andijan. Other regions such as Bukhara and Qashqadarya, which had strong natural gas and associated processing industries, also hosted technical institutes.

Reforms were introduced to the general education system only gradually, particularly the HE sector. The Law on Education, which was enacted on 2 July 1992, provided the legal foundations and laid the underlying philosophical principles for carrying out further reforms in the education system. It emphasised, among other things, a secular and ideology-free nature for the new education system. The timeline of the key HE changes since independence is illustrated in Fig. 17.3 below.

Timeline of key changes in HE since independence

Several new HEIs were created in quick succession in the early 1990s, taking the total number of HEIs in the country to 58 by 1995–96. Twelve of these new HEIs were institutes which specialised in business studies, law, engineering and medicine. Two were specialised universities which focussed on foreign languages and international relations, respectively, and only one was a comprehensive university established on the foundations of a regional teacher-training institute. The rationale for setting up these new HEIs was dictated by the demands of the new economic system and new statehood, which necessitated strengthening and expanding state institutions. For example, transition to a market economy required a considerable expansion of the financial sector to ease the financing constraints of the emerging private sector. Further, the decentralisation of inter-enterprise relations, coupled with the exponential increase in the number of small and medium enterprises, necessitated the enlargement of the tax collection apparatus to fill the state coffers. In response, some new HEIs were established such as the Tashkent Institute of Finance and the Tax Academy, and new finance departments were created in comprehensive universities and other HEIs specialising in business studies. Likewise, independent statehood also required establishing new state ministries and agencies such as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry for Foreign Economic Relations and the State Customs Agency. It also required expanding others such as the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the Ministry of Defence to maintain the law and patrol the national borders. In the short term, personnel shortages in these areas were filled by selecting and retraining teacher-training graduates who were in relatively abundant supply by default. The authorities set up new specialist HEIs, also expanding the profiles of existing ones, as a longer-term solution to prepare specialists for new and emerging sectors. The decision-making process was centralised at the top of the government structure and each decision was supported by an individual presidential decree. Most of the new HEIs were created by dividing existing HEIs and only a few were created as entirely new institutions.

For example, the Tashkent Institute of Finance and the Tashkent State University of Economics emerged from the foundations of the former Public Economy Institute. The World Economy and Diplomacy University, which focussed on preparing specialists for state institutions in the areas of international economic and political affairs, was freshly established in 1992 at a venue previously occupied by the former Communist Party School in Tashkent. The Samarkand State Institute of Foreign Languages was created in 1994 to prepare specialists for tourism industries. The Navoiy State Institute of Mining was set up in 1995 to prepare specialists for mining and other related industries in the region. The Andijan State Institute of Mechanical Engineering was created in 1995 to prepare specialists for the emerging automotive industry in the Andijan region, where the government had previously established an automobile production plant in 1992. The Tashkent State Aviation Institute (TSAI) was created in 1995 on the basis of several institutions, including the Aviation Engineering Faculty of the Tashkent Polytechnic Institute, the Tashkent branch of the Kiev International Institute of Civil Aviation Engineering and the Tashkent Aviation College, to cater for the needs of the country’s aviation industry. However, the aviation industry struggled to survive in the post-independence period and the country’s only airplane construction plant went bankrupt in 2010. Anticipating this outcome, the authorities disbanded TSAI and merged it with the Tashkent State Polytechnic University in 2008.

Several private HEIs briefly emerged in the first few years of independence. Generally, these institutions had low entry requirements, and most were not adequately resourced in terms of personnel and physical infrastructure. Only one of these institutions, the Tashkent Institute for International Economic Relations and Entrepreneurship (TIIERE), was able to obtain an official licence. However, fearing sub-standardisation of HE degrees, the government soon decided not to allow any private sector involvement in HE, resulting in the demise of a newly emerging market segment. TIIERE’s licence was also revoked just a few weeks after the start of the academic year in 1993. To this day, all HEIs in the country with the exception of foreign university branches remain publicly owned.

The reorganisation of HE entrance examination rules, which attempted to remove abusive discretion from the HE examination process, was arguably the most significant reform of the early 1990s. Admissions to HEIs before independence were based on oral and/or written entrance examinations, usually in three relevant subject areas, administered locally at each HEI. However, public concerns about the subjectivity of such exams and their susceptibility to corruption grew especially strong in the late 1980s and the early 1990s. In order to radically improve fairness of access to HE and to limit widespread corruption practices, a new centralised testing system based on multiple choice questions and an automated marking system was piloted in selected HEIs in 1993. The new system of testing HE candidates was formally adopted across all HEIs (except those specialising in performance-based disciplines such as arts and sports) in 1994. The State Test Centre (STC), accountable directly to the Cabinet of Ministers, was formally set up in May 1994 to administer the new HE entrance examination system. The new system is meritocratic, at least in principle, which contributes to the deepening of vertical differentiation amongst HEIs. As a rule, applicants need to score more than 85 % to study traditionally lucrative fields such as law, medicine and business in HEIs specialising in these fields, and the competition for places at Tashkent-based HEIs offering similar subjects is usually even fiercer.

As elsewhere in the FSU, HE was universally free in pre-independence Uzbekistan: there were no tuitions fees and students were paid stipends, scaled on academic performance, to cover living expenses. But the Uzbek authorities changed this tradition partially in 1994 by introducing a dual-track funding formula for HE tuition fees. Under the new funding scheme, only some HE places were publicly funded, the so-called grant places, and the remaining places were privately funded, the so-called contract places. The Cabinet of Ministers centrally determines the total number of grant and contract places. It takes into account HE demand as well as labour market conditions in its decision making (World Bank 2014 ). The allocation of fixed grant places, which are subject to an annual review, are merit-based depending on entrance examination results, with top performers being offered government grants. The distribution of grant places varies across disciplines depending on demand conditions and market rewards for graduates. For example, in 2015–16, the share of grant places in total student places was around 10 % for law and jurisprudence, 16 % for economics, 35 % for medicine, 50 % for mathematics and around 55 % for physics and chemistry. However, the process is not transparent, which makes it difficult to judge whether or not the authorities also take into account institutional selectivity in their decision making. Whether they are funded publicly or privately, students are still offered merit-based monthly stipends as in the past. Those with government funding are expected to work in government-owned enterprises once they graduate, usually for about 2 years. But in practice this is not monitored strictly, as neither government bodies nor HEIs can guarantee work placement opportunities to graduates.

Although the reforms of the early 1990s changed the nature of the HE system to a considerable extent, the institutional structure of the system remained relatively intact. Comprehensive reforms requiring a complete overhaul of the entire education system were initiated only in the second half of the 1990s. The government’s vision for the education system was formulated in an official reform programme, ‘The National Programme for Personnel Training’ (NPPT), which became law in August 1997. The programme was born from government belief in the non-reversibility of the move towards a market-based economy and an appreciation of the fact that developing an education system consistent with market principles was vital in pursuit of economic prosperity (ADB 2004 , 94). Nevertheless, the NPPT was still an embodiment of the government’s strictly top-down approach to HE reforms, as it did not grant HEIs any autonomy in important matters such as designing new HE courses and managing own finances.

The NPPT aimed at creating an education system that reflected national values, met personal aspirations and produced highly qualified specialists that the new economic system demanded; it was also seen as an opportunity to formally and comprehensively de-ideologise the education curriculum, and to increase the range and structure of degree programmes offered at HEIs. The NPPT was a state-initiated and fully funded programme involving a strict top-down implementation plan coordinated by the Cabinet of Ministers and aided by other government institutions such as the Ministry of Higher and Secondary Specialised Education (MHSSE), and various other ministries linked to particular HEIs (e.g. the Ministry of Health is linked to medical HEIs).

The NPPT set out clear timescales to achieve its reform targets. Stage 1, which covered 1997–2001, involved the creation of an appropriate infrastructure necessary for the implementation of the programme, which included developing new curricula, teaching and learning resources, and exploring alternative HE funding sources. Stage 2, which covered 2001–2005, set out to promote a nationwide drive for the development of teaching content including textbooks as well as electronic and online learning materials. It also reorganised the existing 5-year academic degree courses, and research-based aspirantura and doktorantura programmes into Bologna Process Bachelor degrees (4 years), Master degrees (2 years) and PhD programmes. And Stage 3, which covered the period beyond 2005, was intended to fine-tune the programme after the first 5 years of implementation. In May 2011, the government adopted a new programme, covering 2011–2016, which focusses on improving physical and human resources at HEIs including upgrading information-technology facilities and raising the quality of HE degrees and courses. Despite its importance, the NPPT only set the general direction of reforms; establishing new HEIs and expanding existing ones were determined on the basis of individual presidential decrees and resolutions from the Cabinet of Ministers.

Reforms and the Current Landscape of HE

As a result of the reforms mostly associated with the NPPT, both HEI and full-time student numbers increased significantly in the post-independence period. The number of HEIs affiliated with the MHSSE increased from 43 in 1989 to 78 in 2015, and the number of full-time students increased from around 180,000 to around 250,000 during this time. However, HE courses offered in the evenings and by correspondence were gradually phased out by the late 1990s, thereby effectively making HE study a full-time preoccupation. The relatively poor quality of these programmes in terms of design, delivery and student engagement was the main rationale behind the government’s decision. The reforms also affected the vertical and horizontal organisational structure of the HE system. Table 17.2 provides some information about the horizontal diversity of the HE sector in terms of types of HEIs. HEIs can be classified into six types under the new HE system, which are comprehensive universities, specialised universities, institutes, academies, regional branches of specialised HEIs and branches of foreign universities. Of the 78 HEIs in Uzbekistan in 2015, 11 were comprehensive universities, 9 were specialised universities, 36 were specialised institutes (including the Higher School of National Dance and Choreography and the Uzbek State Conservatoire), 2 were academies, 13 were regional branches of domestic HEIs and 7 were branches of international HEIs. All domestic HEIs in Uzbekistan are state-owned.

With the exception of the three universities that existed before independence, the new comprehensive universities were created on the foundations of the former regional teacher-training pedagogic institutes. Comprehensive universities, for example, the National University, the Samarkand State University and the Ferghana State University, are the largest of the HEIs in terms of both student numbers and the number of taught specialisations. As a rule, institutes considered relatively important in their area of specialisation with large student populations are given official ‘university’ status. These specialised universities, for example, the Tashkent State University of Economics, the University of the World Economy and Diplomacy and the Tashkent State Technical University, offer programmes in narrower areas of specialisation and are smaller in size compared to comprehensive universities.

In terms of regional branches of domestic HEIs, these belong to Tashkent-based HEIs and are established by government decrees in regional capitals to improve HE access in the regions. For example, the Tashkent Institute of Pediatric Medicine opened a branch in Nukus in 1991, and the Tashkent Academy of Medicine opened branches in Urgench in 1992 and Ferghana in 1998. The Tashkent University of Information Technologies opened branches in Samarkand, Ferghana, Qarshi, Nukus and Urgench in 2005. The Uzbek State Institute of Arts and Culture opened a branch in Nukus in 2008. The Tashkent Institute of Irrigation and Melioration opened a branch in Bukhara in 2010. And finally, the Tashkent State Dental Institute opened branches in Andijan and Bukhara in 2015.

Academies are leading scientific-methodological centres in specific fields, so their status is more superior compared to that of universities and institutes. They offer postgraduate degrees and continuous professional development (CPD) as well as executive retraining courses; some, for example, the Academy of Medicine, also offer undergraduate degrees. For example, the Banking and Finance Academy, considered to be the most prestigious HEI in the area of banking and finance, offers postgraduate studies and regularly runs CPD workshops and executive retraining courses for banking and finance specialists.

Foreign university branches (FUBs), which are set up as public-private partnerships (World Bank 2014 ), are a relatively new phenomenon in Uzbekistan’s HE system and are the result of a government initiative. In the late 1990s, the government experimented with competitively selecting up to 800 HE students annually from Uzbek HEIs and funding their HE studies in advanced economies such as the USA, the UK, Germany and Japan. The government saw the establishment of FUBs as a cost-effective alternative to this scheme, as they offered internationally recognised HE courses at home, and hence ensured greater positive externalities and spill-over in terms of specialist preparation.

The Russian Economics University was the first FUB to establish a branch in Uzbekistan in 2001. London-based Westminster University established a branch in Tashkent in 2002. The next FUB was opened in 2006 by the Moscow State University. The Russian Oil and Gas University and the Management Development Institute of Singapore opened Tashkent branches in 2007. The Turin Polytechnic University, Italy, opened a branch in 2009, and Inha University, South Korea, opened a branch in 2014. FUBs administer their entrance tests independently and enjoy complete autonomy on curriculum design. However, mostly due to regulation, FUBs have not yet grown into serious players in the HE market: their combined student population was less than 6000 in 2015–16, which is less than 3 % of the country’s HE student population.

Figure 17.4 illustrates a peculiar HE sector structure that emerged in the post-independence period. HEIs are subject to multiple layers of accountability, resulting in the duplication of administrative control, which limits the capacity of the MHSSE to strategically manage the HE system. It also limits the HE system’s ability to flexibly adapt to changes (Weidman and Yoder 2010 , 63). The Cabinet of Ministers, which sits at the top of the governance hierarchy, is in charge of all key decisions concerning the HE system. It sets the state educational standards and determines funding methods, number of study streams and student enrolment numbers including the proportion of enrolment places that are publicly funded. It also approves senior management appointments at HEIs and sets HEI strategies. The STC administers HE entrance examinations and carries out HEI accreditation and ranking. The role of the MHSSE in managing the HE sector is therefore mostly complementary and limited to HEI supervision, approval of secondary legislation, provision of methodological guidance and organisation of the academic year. The administrational influence of the MHSSE over HEIs is further weakened by the fact that of the 78 HEIs supervised by the MHSSE, 27 are also accountable to various ministries and state agencies to which they are formally attached. For example, the Academy of Medicine is attached to the Ministry of Health and the University of Agriculture is attached to the Ministry of Agriculture and Water Resources.

Hierarchical structure of the higher education system in Uzbekistan

In addition to the 78 HEIs affiliated with the MHSSE, there are several other providers of specialist HE training which are outside the influence of the MHSSE, as depicted in the bottom left corner of Fig. 17.4 . These institutions specialise in personnel preparation for various state departments and agencies. Some of the HEIs belonging to this category are directly linked with various government offices serving national security and upholding the rule of law, such as the National Security Service and the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Others have more civilian credentials, for example, the Academy for State and Social Construction under the Office of the President, the Graduate School of Business under the Cabinet of Ministers and the Banking and Finance Academy affiliated with the Bankers’ Association. All of these HEIs are accountable directly to the Cabinet of Ministers and respective government ministries to which they are attached, and little information is publicly available on internal factors such as student enrolment figures and funding models.

Given Uzbekistan’s peculiar context, it is difficult to differentiate HEI diversity in terms of status and prestige afforded by legislature. For example, all HEIs with the exception of regional HEI branches are allowed to offer undergraduate, postgraduate and PhD courses. In de facto terms, however, specialist institutions supporting state bodies are considered the most prestigious by both the general public and civil service institutions, as they play an important role in elite regeneration. As proxies for talent, HE certificates from these institutions are often used as the minimum requirement for appointment to relatively important bureaucratic positions. They are followed in order of importance by academies, comprehensive universities, specialist universities and institutes. Anecdotal evidence from HE insiders at the time of this study suggests that the most senior positions in academies and universities are appointed by the president, while those in institutes are decided by the Cabinet of Ministers.

Due to data limitations, we cannot construct any robust measures of quality ranking indicators across HEIs. However, the information presented in Table 17.3 can provide a rough guide on the diversity of quality across HEIs. The results are based on our judgement in terms of demand, selectivity and general public perception of prestige accorded to individual HEIs. As can be seen from Table 17.3 , academies and branches of foreign universities are all highly regarded. Most of the comprehensive and specialised universities in the table are ranked ‘medium’ on the basis of ‘average’ quality perception across all fields with varying popularity. Institutes score the most variable ranking and this is mostly related to area of specialisation; those specialising in lucrative fields are in high demand, and hence are more selective and highly regarded by the general public.

Figure 17.5 illustrates the geographic distribution of HEIs and their student populations across the country in 2012–13, another measure of horizontal diversity. The vertical axis measures the population and the horizontal axis measures the number of students studying in each of the 14 administrative regions in the country. The size of the bubbles measures the number of HEIs in each region. Almost half of all HEIs were based in Tashkent in the pre-independence period. Although a number of HEIs have been created across the regions since the early 1990s, a disproportionately high number of HEIs are still located in Tashkent city: 34 out of 78. Of the approximately 252,000 students enrolled in HEIs in 2012–13, around 40 % studied in Tashkent. The figure is a slight improvement from the pre-independence figure of 60 %, which is mainly due to the transformation of regional teacher-training institutes into comprehensive universities and size expansion as a result of the government’s attempt to improve HE access in periphery regions.

Geographic distribution of HEIs and student population in 2012–13 (Source: MHSSE ( 2013 ))

The number of full-time students studying at HEIs increased noticeably during the post-independence period. However, more robust measures of HE access that take into account population demographics and HE demand dynamics depict a gloomy picture. The number of HE graduates per 10,000 people dropped from around 28 in 1993 to around 14 in 2001; similar, but less dramatic, trends can be observed regarding the gross enrolment rates (number of HE students divided by the number of 19- to 24-year-olds), which fell from around 15 in 1991 to around 9 in 2012 (World Bank 2014 , 23).

Additional data that sheds further light on this matter is presented in Fig. 17.6 , which illustrates the growing mismatch between the demand for and the supply of HE places between 1996 and 2014. The number of HE applications, which measures the effective demand for HE, increased from 106,000 in 1996 to more than 540,000 in 2014; a more than fivefold increase in demand. Unfortunately, HE enrolment places as a measure of supply increased only modestly during this period, from around 49,000 in 1996 to 58,000 in 2014. As a result, the mismatch between HE demand and supply has widened significantly since 1996. Furthermore, the number of applicants per 100 HE places increased from 342 in 1989 (Balzer 1992 , 178) to 938 in 2014; an almost threefold increase.

Demand for and supply of higher education places, 1996–2014 (Source: MHSSE (2015))

The observed mismatch between HE supply and demand can be explained partly by the changes observed in population demographics and improvements in per capita income levels since independence. However, the authorities’ conscious choice to expand secondary specialised education (SSE) at the expense of HE also contributed to the increasing mismatch between HE demand and supply. The implicit argument behind the government’s choice was that, given the relatively unsophisticated state of the national economy which relied largely on commodity production, services and small-scale manufacturing, the economy would be best served by the expansion and modernisation of the vocational education sector (Ruziev and Burkhanov 2016 ). The expansion of the SSE sector lowered the labour market return on middle education and encouraged a greater number of SSE graduates to seek entry into HE. This, coupled with the rigidity of HE supply and the fact that applicants are given only one single university choice each year, created a bottleneck effect as unsuccessful but ambitious applicants attempted HEI entry the following year. Therefore, it is no surprise that in 2014 the number of applicants for HE places exceeded the number of secondary and SSE graduates by about 8 %.

Furthermore, the data on HE student specialisations from 2007 to 2012 shows that the distribution of specialisations was driven mostly by the government’s policy priorities rather than being in line with changing economic conditions (World Bank 2014 ). Despite the changing structure of the economy as described in Figs. 17.1 and 17.2 , the distribution of the student population across most of the broad specialisation areas did not change notably during this period: around 5–7 % of students specialised in transport and communications, 7–10 % in economics and law, around 8 % in healthcare and around 1 % in other disciplines such as arts. Furthermore, although the share of agricultural production in the country’s output nearly halved, the share of students specialising in agriculture fell only marginally from 9 % in 1989 to 7 % in 2012. The most dramatic changes, however, occurred in relation to education. The success of the government’s decision to fundamentally reform and expand the SSE sector depended on the availability of subject-specialist teacher trainers for professional colleges. Subsequently, more than half of HE entrance places were allocated to education. Of the approximately 300,000 HE students studying in the peak period in 2009, around 170,000 specialised in education. Since then the number of students specialising in education has fallen by about 45,000, also driving the overall student population down to around 250,000 by 2012.

The analysis of supply and demand factors in HE indicates an urgent need for the expansion of HE supply. However, this has to be done without sacrificing quality standards. The existing human resource capacity of the HE system seems inadequate for this task; as can be seen in Table 17.4 , which details the highest academic qualifications of full-time academic HEI staff in 2013, almost two-thirds had no scientific qualifications. In addition, Uzbekistan’s HE system scores low in important human capital indicators such as the number of patent applications and journal publications. In 2009, the number of patent applications per million people was only 19, and the number of technical and scientific journal publications per million was only 5 (World Bank 2014 , 8). The relatively poor quality of human capital at HEIs hinders the HE sector’s contribution to overall economic performance in terms of research and innovation; more importantly, it also significantly constrains the government’s future attempts to expand access to HE.

Uzbekistan spends around 8–10 % of GDP on its education system, a relatively high figure given Uzbekistan’s per capital income level (Weidman and Yoder 2010 ; World Bank 2014 ). However, only a small proportion of this budget is spent on HE; in fact, the share of HE spending on education declined from 10 % in 1990 to around 5 % in 2013 (World Bank 2014 , 72). This is partly explained by the authorities’ conscious attempt to fund an increasingly higher proportion of HE expenditure through private (personal) financing. With the introduction of private funding in the form of HE tuition fees, the share of government funding for HE enrolment places decreased from 100 % in 1990 to around 33 % in 2015 (MHSSE 2015). In 2013, the average tuition fee for domestic HEIs was around US$1400 and for international HEIs around US$4400 (World Bank 2014 , 62). Another peculiarity of Uzbekistan’s HE funding model is that up to 40 % of the HE system budget is spent on student stipends, of which only one-third comes from the state budget (World Bank 2014 , 80).

Discussion and Concluding Remarks

Uzbekistan has undertaken important reforms in its HE sector since becoming independent in 1991, which significantly changed the country’s HE landscape. Initially in the early 1990s, some important albeit ad hoc reforms were implemented. But this changed when the NPPT was formulated and made into a national law in 1997, transforming the structure and organisation of the HE system drastically. The most important changes since independence can be highlighted as follows: introduction of an automated entrance examination scheme overseen by the STC; adoption of a Bologna Process-style three-cycle HE system comprised of Bachelor, Master and Doctorate programmes; allowing the entry of foreign HEIs into the HE system; and moving away from a fully public HE funding model towards a system that increasingly relies on personal financing. The variety of HEIs and the number of students studying full time also changed during this period. HEI numbers increased from 43 in 1989 to 78 in 2015 and types of HEIs now include academies, comprehensive universities, specialised universities, institutes, regional branches and FUBs.

The demands of the new market-based economic system and the requirements of building and strengthening state institutions to support the transition process were the key drivers for HE reforms; these are factors inspired by global events beyond the control of the national authorities. Uzbekistan’s general approach to transition has been about managing, rather than resisting, the prevailing ‘winds of global change’. Therefore, although the creation of new HEIs, including expanding taught HE subject disciplines, was dictated by global trends, ultimately the state is still the main initiator and implementer of HE sector reforms. This strictly top-down approach to reforms, however, has not been successful in improving a number of key areas including management and organisation of HEIs, access to HE, and quality of human and physical capital at HEIs.

The current structure of HE management, with several levels of official control over HEI activity, is too rigid to adjust the provision of HE services to the changing needs of a dynamic market economy. To date, student enrolment numbers as well as the number of study streams and subject areas, and even curriculum content, are all presided by various government departments. Despite generating more than two-thirds of their funding from the private sector, HEIs are unable to use these funds freely, including in matters concerning staff remuneration. As a result, staff salaries are generally low and do not incentivise a sufficient number of talented individuals to commit themselves to, invest in, and remain in the long-term. Further, although HE enrolment numbers increased during the early years of independence, this did not take into account demographic factors and changing demand conditions. As a result, the mismatch between the demand for and supply of HE increased considerably in the post-independence period.

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Ruziev, K., Burkhanov, U. (2018). Uzbekistan: Higher Education Reforms and the Changing Landscape Since Independence. In: Huisman, J., Smolentseva, A., Froumin, I. (eds) 25 Years of Transformations of Higher Education Systems in Post-Soviet Countries. Palgrave Studies in Global Higher Education. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52980-6_17

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The Covid-19 pandemic transformed everyday realities overnight, as most services and activities had to be moved online. Education worldwide was hit hard. As schools and universities shifted to online learning, many schoolchildren and university students were left out. Long-term plans for digitisation had to be implemented within days; a challenge that many developing countries are struggling to cope with.

In Central Asia, shifting from in-person to online learning has been difficult. Many people do not have access to steady electricity, affordable high-speed and uncensored Internet, or reliable devices. Furthermore, the pandemic has also brought to the fore the urgent need to develop the necessary digital skills among various groups, from schoolchildren to teachers, and from policy-makers to civil society. Central Asian republics have taken divergent responses to the pandemic. Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan introduced lockdowns in March 2020; in Tajikistan, quarantine measures were only partially implemented; while Turkmenistan still claims to have zero Covid-19 cases. Despite the different responses and approaches to Internet governance and its availability, all Central Asian countries share some common challenges in shifting to online learning. The case of Uzbekistan could apply to the greater region.

Uzbekistan closed all educational institutions in response to the pandemic. While some steps were taken to ensure continuous education, these were not easily accessible to all. Lessons for schoolchildren were broadcasted on mainstream television and were shared on the Ministry of Education’s YouTube channel, to which only a few have access. Lessons for university students moved online, but students and teachers alike suffer from a lack of adequate platforms for online education, a lack of access to technology, and a lack of necessary skills. Given that remote education is likely to continue in the coming academic year for most students, it is imperative that Uzbekistan urgently take several steps in the digital domain. Narrowing the digital divide is of strategic importance. Here are three priorities for policy-makers and other stakeholders to consider:

First, quality access to Internet is insufficient. Internet penetration levels in Uzbekistan have improved in comparison to previous years. According to official data from the Ministry for Development of Information Technologies and Communication of Uzbekistan, as of January 2020, 22 million people, out of a population of 34 million, had access to the Internet. Of these, 19 million were connected via mobile phones and 3 million via computers. However, when operationalising numbers in terms of Internet penetration and access, it is important to consider the type of connection, its speed, and its cost. Having a few megabytes on the phone can be considered as having Internet access for statistical purposes, but it is certainly not enough for remote work or learning. Internet accessibility in remote areas is still low, which largely contributes to the digital divide and inequality among the capital, regional centres, and the periphery.

When addressing the issue of access to the Internet, its speed, and its costs, we also need to consider the steady supply of electricity and access to modern technological devices. Without these basic conditions, it is impossible to deliver or receive online education. Online work or learning implies that several members of any given household need access to devices. The lack of physical access is experienced not only by students but also by educators. Therefore, approaches to solving this first level of the digital divide must be multi-faceted. Supplying schools with technology is one solution, but it is also necessary to ensure that students and educators have continuous and unrestricted access to technology at home. In Kazakhstan, the Connect-Ed initiative, launched by civil society activists, supplies schoolchildren in need with used or new devices donated by organisations and individuals. Such initiatives should be supported by state-level strategies to ensure that those providing and receiving online education have access to the necessary tools.

  Second, digital literacy is another fundamentally important area when talking about narrowing the digital divide in Uzbekistan. Technology is entering all spheres, but the necessary training is not always available. People are now expected to navigate through the labyrinth of new media and digital tools, but without proper training, this could be a risky practice. In Uzbekistan, a common scene is customers handing bank cards to merchants and loudly announcing their PIN codes in front of the wider public. Trying to insert your code independently and in privacy could give the merchant (and those around her/him) the feeling that (s)he cannot be trusted. Whereas certainly there are positive aspects to this level of social trust, such practices may lead to the prevalence of crime and other hazardous outcomes as the country becomes more digital. The bank card example goes beyond individual behaviour and translates into systemic problems, with negligence in the process of instrumentalising new tools.

Digital literacy courses must become an integral part of the education process. Akin to the physical access issue, successful online education practices imply training sessions for students and teachers alike. Courses on specific functional aspects of new education tools must go hand-in-hand with courses on privacy, digital ethics, and online security. Such courses are beneficial for all segments of society, from schoolchildren to decision-makers. Awareness-raising campaigns to promote digital literacy and security could also be helpful in filling the gaps. The Ministry of Education, IT specialists, educators, civil society activists, and international donors should all collaborate to develop digital literacy curricula and campaigns. A concerted effort is important to avoid digital literacy education turning into a censorship-justifying mechanism.

Third,  online freedom and transparency are problematic in Uzbekistan; digital security should not be synonymous with digital autocracy. The tragic irony of offering school lessons via YouTube in Uzbekistan lies in the fact that the platform (along with Facebook, Skype, WhatsApp, and Viber) is often inaccessible. The educational videos posted on the Ministry of Education’s YouTube channel show a few thousand views at best, which is very low compared to the country’s 6.1 million schoolchildren. Combating hate speech and other unacceptable behaviours online is important but a ‘one size fits all’ solution should be avoided. The progress achieved so far in terms of unblocking some websites and platforms must be maintained, and freedom of information guaranteed so that people may have access to a diversity of opinions and perspectives. Unfortunately, however, there is a tendency to emulate Russian- (and other neighbours) style digital governance, often characterised by pressure on platforms to collaborate with state security forces, ubiquitous surveillance, or persecution of social media users.

Corruption slows progress in Uzbekistan’s education system. If done right, shifting to digital tools could promote transparency in the education system. However, such a shift could also be counterproductive and strengthen corruption schemes during entry, mid-term and graduate exams. To avoid malpractice and increase transparency, international involvement, and broad national input are warranted. International partners, such as the European Union, could help Uzbekistan’s government develop the necessary legal frameworks and technological tools to ensure democratic, transparent, and accountable approaches to the digital domain. In this pursuit, it is essential that the local voices of civil society activists, bloggers, watchdogs, and other important actors be included in the discussion.

Urgent steps to secure access to online education need to be taken. The challenges of access, digital literacy, and online freedom are inter-related and inter-dependent and require a comprehensive response. While bringing about unprecedented threats to education, the pandemic could be an opportunity for Uzbekistan to re-evaluate, learn, and reform its approaches to the education sector.

About Author

Rashid Gabdulhakov

As a member of an international team of scholars, Rashid is researching the phenomenon of digital vigilantism (citizen-led justice manifested through social media) in Russia and other former Soviet republics. He has a vast teaching and research experience that he gained in Central Asia, Russia, Europe, and the United States. Rashid has been actively involved with EUCAM fellowship programme through designing and delivering a ‘Media and Security’ workshop. He holds a master’s degree in International and European Security from the University of Geneva and the Geneva Centre for Security Policy; as well as a master’s degree in Politics and Security from the OSCE Academy in Bishkek, Kyrgyz Republic.

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There are many factors, but ultimately a college diploma no longer guarantees employment and the youth of Uzbekistan are skeptical of its necessity.

Demand for public tertiary education in Uzbekistan is slowly declining. This trend is partly due to the increasing number of local and international private universities along with opportunities to study abroad, and partly due to the diminishing prestige of a university degree among the youth.

“Higher education in Uzbekistan was better ten years ago,” said 26-year-old Eldor from Samarkand, who decided to drop out of his master’s program at a public university despite the full scholarship he had been awarded. He explained his decision by citing the low quality of education and a lack of job prospects for graduates. 

“Demand for university graduates used to be high so 90-95 percent of students knew what to do after graduation. Now, many do not understand what they want from their degree or what to do after university,” Eldor said. “For them, higher education institutions have become a store that issues diplomas. The quality of education has decreased and interest in higher education among young people is also decreasing.”

The term abiturient refers to individuals who have applied or are about to apply for university admission but have not yet become a student. Entrance exams are arranged once in a year only and students are selected based on the highest scores earned by abiturients. 

On July 14, entrance exams for state universities began. This year, there was a record low number of applicants – 894,279   and 10 percent of them were denied seats in the exam for various reasons. To compare, in 2020, over 1.4 million applicants were registered. Over the past decade, the admission rate has increased from 9.6 percent in 2015 to 18.7 percent last year.

Decreasing interest in traditional public tertiary education can be explained by a couple of factors. 

After the government change in 2016, the new administration’s reforms significantly impacted the education system. The number of higher education institutions in Uzbekistan surged dramatically within a few years. In 2016, there were only 77 higher education institutions. Over the next seven years, this number soared to 213 – a whopping 176.6 percent increase. This growth was achieved by establishing new public universities and branches of existing universities in new cities. Additionally, private universities were permitted, and many international universities opened campuses in Uzbekistan. Currently, there are 116 public universities, 67 private institutions, and 30 campuses of foreign universities.

“Interest in higher education has decreased because it is easy to enroll. The large number of private universities leads to the idea that a university degree is easily attainable,” said Oybek Omonov, a 20-year-old graphic designer from Tashkent. 

Not only has the number of universities increased, but in 2017 correspondence studies and evening classes were also introduced . In correspondence studies ( sirtqi ta’lim ), students attend classes for a couple of weeks per semester only and are expected to self-study for the rest of the time. The reputations of both, as well as demand for their graduates, are low.

“I did not get what I wanted from university studies,” continued Oybek, explaining why he dropped out of his correspondence studies at Tashkent State University of Economics, which was once recognized as one of the top regional universities in Central Asia. “I think it’s better to work on myself now and become a top specialist in my field in four years than to struggle finding a job after university.”

“I got into Sign Language’s Pedagogy program at Tashkent State Pedagogical University for evening studies,” recounted Shahzoda Azizova from Kashkadarya, who also decided against finishing her studies. “The study fee was unjustifiably high and the prospect of finding a well-paying job after graduation was low. In the regions, deaf schools operate only in the centers, and even there it is very difficult to get a job.”

She also noted problems with her program. “Because it was evening studies, classes were sometimes not held,” Azizova said. “Moreover, they were more concerned about students’ uniforms and notes taken in lectures rather than their knowledge.”

Corruption in the higher education system causes widespread frustration, too. Dr. Azamat Akbarov, CEO of the Silk Road Research Academy, categorized this corruption into two levels. At the lower level, corruption permeates the educational process, including admissions, entrance exams, and study exams. For instance, local news outlets frequently report on people being arrested for accepting bribes to admit applicants into state universities. At the higher level, corruption involves inspections, accreditation, allocation of quotas for universities, and funding of educational institutions.

Witnessing injustice on many levels cheapens the value of education in the eyes of ordinary students.

“After school, I was admitted to the most prestigious college (a pre-university education institution) in my field of interest,” said Sardor Soib, 24, who currently works in the IT department of a local mobile operator company in Tashkent. The college’s principal, he noted to demonstrate the apparent prestige of the school, was also a senator in the Oliy Majlis, Uzbekistan’s parliament. 

“But in practice all this meant nothing. We witnessed corruption, paper pushing, and different treatment for the rich and for ordinary students at an ‘elite’ institution. After that, I decided not to continue with traditional education and did not even apply to a university.”

Study and living expenses present another obstacle for many who want a college degree. From 2019 , students pay either a study fee only, or pay a higher fee but receive a monthly allowance. The lowest tuition fee nationwide is set at public universities for pedagogy, mathematics, and science majors – at 6.3 million Uzbek soms ($500) a year.

Private universities, however, are accessible only to those from families with substantial incomes. While the average annual tuition ranges from $3,000 to $5,000, studying medicine at Central Asian University, for example, costs $8,000 per year.

“The study fee at public universities is reasonable, especially given it is not flat for all majors,” said Eldor. “However, the fees at campuses of international universities, where students have to pay $3,000-$4,000 per year, is not justified. For Uzbekistan, given how much average families earn, there should be a $1,500 cap.” Anything more than that, he said, was profiteering. 

At the same time, government scholarships have significantly decreased. A decade ago, in 2015, the government supported 33 percent of new students with scholarships. Students  did not pay a tuition fee and were given a monthly allowance. Last year, only 18.4 percent of freshmen started their studies without a worry of paying the bills. 

Correspondence and evening study students do not receive any scholarships. They are not offered a place at student dormitories nor can they get a study loan from the 2024-2025 academic year onwards. Tashkent is increasingly packed with students as the majority of universities (at least 40 percent ) are located in the capital city. When newcomers cannot find an affordable place to stay, many drop their studies and return to their home regions.

Another wave of diversion from public universities is due to study abroad opportunities. The number of youth who choose this path has drastically increased – from 28,100 in 2015 to 109,945 in 2021. Most of them study in neighboring Kyrgyzstan (38,857 in 2022), Kazakhstan (9,571 in 2022), Tajikistan (over 5,000 in 2023) and in Russia (48,700 in 2023) or South Korea (12,000 in 2023). 

The sudden increase in the number of university graduates has decreased demand for them in the job market. Just three years ago, in 2021, there were slightly over half a million students countrywide. As of 2024, their number has reached to over 1.3 million . This is the result of rapid changes with a focus on quantity rather than quality of education. 

“Higher education is already devalued among young people,” concludes Eldor. “In the field of economics, accounting, [and] information communication technologies, for example, a college diploma is not required. A person with 2-6 months of course studies and work experience is more valued in the labor market than a university graduate with no experience and no solid knowledge.”

Tashkent stopped issuing licenses to private universities from 2023. Minister of Higher Education, Science, and Innovation Kungirotboy Sharipov explained that this measure was taken to prevent the proliferation of low-quality graduates and reduce the number of unemployed college alumni. Five private universities have already had their license s taken away. Sharipov also mentioned that 20 public universities are set to be closed because only 5-10 percent of their graduates have been able to find employment.

University degrees have not lost all their value yet. For many, particularly those from rural areas, a college degree is still one of the few avenues to improve their lives. However, unlike a decade ago when demand was high and supply limited, a college diploma no longer guarantees employment and the youth are skeptical of its necessity.

The author thanks the TalTech Law School at Tallinn University of Technology for providing the opportunity to participate as a fellow in Caucasus and Central Asia Research Social Innovation: Development Assistance, Innovation and Societal Transformation project that allowed her to work on this piece.

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1 : Universitet : � University

2 : Akademiya : � Academy

3 : Institut : � Institute

� Pre-Higher Education System

Pre-Primary :

Length of program: 1

Age level from: 6

Age level to: 7

General Secondary :

Age level from: 7

Age level to: 18

Certificate/Diploma awarded at end: Certificate of Completed Secondary Education

Vocational Secondary :

Age level from: 18

Age level to: 20

Certificate/Diploma awarded at end: Diploma of Secondary Specialized Education

Compulsory pre-primary education of one year at age six was introduced in 2019-2020, with the aim of having 100% enrollment by 2021-2022. General secondary education is compulsory and lasts 11 years, with students having three choices: a) 11 years of study in a general secondary school; b) 9 years in a general secondary school followed by 2 years in an academic lyceum; c) 11 years of study in a general secondary school followed by up to 2 years in a vocational college. Upon completion of, students are awarded either the Certificate of Completed Secondary Education or the Diploma of Secondary Specialized Education.

� Higher Education System

Higher education is provided by universities, academies and institutes. The Ministry of Higher Education, Science and Innovations is the responsible body that coordinates the educational process in all higher education institutions in Uzbekistan. There are numerous specialized HEIs that are overseen by other sectoral ministries. The State Inspection for the Supervision of Quality in Education (SISQE) was created in 2017 and deals with quality assurance, attestation and accreditation of institutions in the country, with each institution, whether private or public, undergoing attestation every five years.

Law on Education (2020)

National Programme for Personnel Training (1992)

Uzbek, Russian, Kazakh, Tajik, Kyrgyz, Turkmen

University level first stage : Bachelor's degree (Bakalavr)

Description: The Bachelor's degree is the first terminal degree conferred after 4 years of study (5 to 7 years in medical fields). The former degree of Mutaxassis diplomi (Specialist degree) is no longer awarded.

University level second stage : Master's degree (Magistr)

Description: Students can acquire a Master's degree after two-year study, providing deeper understanding of a subject previously studied at Bachelor's level.

University level third stage : Doctorate

Description: The Doctor of Science/Arts degree is conferred after the writing of a major thesis. The qualification of Fan Nomzodi diplomi (Candidate of Science) under the old system (three years' postgraduate study and defence of a thesis) is no longer awarded as of 2013.

Some universities offer correspondence courses using distance-learning technologies.

Ministry of Higher Education, Science and Innovations of Uzbekistan

Street: Universitet ko‘chasi, 7-uy

City: Taškent

PostCode: 100174

www: http://www.edu.uz

Contacts: - Ibrokhim Abdurakhmonov (Head), Job title : Minister - Komiljon Khamidovich Karimov (Senior Administrative Officer), Job title : First Deputy Minister

State Inspectorate for Supervision of Quality in Education - SISQE

Street: Chilonzor tumani Nurxon ko‘chasi, 21-uy

PostCode: 100115

www: https://www.tdi.uz/uz

Contacts: Ulugbek Negmatovich Tashkenbayev (Head), Job title : Head

Certificate of Completed Secondary Education

Diploma of Secondary Specialized Education

The State Testing Center oversees the competitive admission tests which take place in August each year.

Admission Requirements: Foreign students should hold a secondary education certificate.

� Recognition of Studies

The State Inspection for the Supervision of Quality in Education is in charge of accreditation and licensing.

� Credentials

Description: Secondary school leaving certificate awarded after eleven years of compulsory general secondary education.

Description: Qualification awarded after two years' training at the end of specialized secondary and vocational education.

Bakalavr diplomi

Description: The bachelor's degree is conferred after at least four years' university study (5-7 in medical fields), and provides fundamental and practical knowledge in various specializations. It can allow the holder to continue to Master's studies or enter the workplace.

Magistr diplomi

Description: The Master’s degree is a higher education qualification which provides fundamental and practical knowledge in a specialization, which continues for at least two years, which is based on the previous bachelor’s basis.

Fan Doktori diplomi

Description: Doctoral degree issued to candidates who have submitted a high-quality thesis, based upon individual and original research of social-economic importance, presenting new theories, responses to complex problems and which can be developed and implemented in particular areas of sciences in order to contribute to the development of science, technology, socio-political fields and economic sectors.

� Data Provided by

IAU from EACEA document 'Overview of the Higher Education System in Uzbekistan (2017), World Bank Uzbekistan Education Sector Analysis (2018), and website of the Ministry of Higher and Secondary Specialized Education, September 2020. Bodies updated April 2023.

Updated on 08-09-2020

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7 minute read

Educational System—overview

According to official sources, about 60 percent of Uzbekistan's population is covered under the system of education. The earlier educational system required 11 years of compulsory schooling for both men and women. In 1992 the policy decision was made to change from 11 to 9 years of compulsory education. After nine years of compulsory schooling, students can prepare for higher education in tenth or eleventh grade or turn to vocational training. After graduating from any type of secondary education, an individual can enter a higher education institution to obtain a bachelor's degree and continue study toward a master's or doctoral degree.

Budget constraints and other transition problems following the collapse of the Soviet Union, have made it difficult to maintain and update educational buildings, equipment, texts, supplies, teaching methods, and curricula. Foreign aid for education is desperately needed, but has not been sufficient to compensate for the loss of central funding.

When viewed in general, the Uzbekistan educational system includes:

• Preschool training (preprimary-from three to six years old)
• General secondary education (from 6 to 15 years old)
• Secondary vocational education (from 15 to 18 years old)
• Higher education (undergraduate and graduate-from 18 years old).

Girls and boys are legally considered equal and study in the same classes and schools. Schools are open to all ethnic groups, and minorities in schools are rarely an issue.

The academic year begins on 2 September (the first of September is the Independence Day) or the first working day of September. The academic year ends in June for secondary schools and in July for higher education. Russian was a common language for over 100 nationalities living in the Soviet Union and played the same role as English for the United States. It was also the Lingua Franca of the socialist world that included Bulgaria, Poland, Mongolia, and other European and Asian countries. Without Russian as a common language, Uzbeks (and other ethnic groups) would have to learn Ukrainian, Belorussian, Moldovian, Armenian, and many other languages to communicate with the multinational population of the Soviet Union. Therefore, until 1991, Uzbeks preferred schools with instruction in Russian for their children. To not do so would have put them at a great disadvantage socially. After Uzbekistan gained its independence, Uzbek (not Russian) became the official language of instruction. In 1998-1999, some 76.8 percent of pupils at day schools were educated in Uzbek.

Examinations in the educational system of Uzbekistan are primarily oral. Universities, institutes, and some colleges still have entrance exams. Course exams occur only at the end of the course (semester). State exams are taken at higher education institutions at the completion of all coursework. The grading system of Uzbekistan is numerical. The highest grade is 5 (excellent = A), then follows 4 (good = B), 3 (satisfactory = C), and 2 (unsatisfactory = F). One is never used. Final grades are determined by test scores, papers, attendance, and class participation.

Because compulsory education is freely provided to all children of Uzbekistan, private schools have a difficult time justifying their existence. In fact, they were banned in 1993. Also, since Uzbekistan Law declares the separation of education from religion, there are no religious schools. However, in 1999, the establishment of the Tashkent Islamic University was allowed. Computer technology, thanks to international assistance, is being introduced to educational institutions and training centers. In 1994, the Central Asian Telecommunications Training Center (CATTC) was established in Uzbekistan under the Tacis Program of the European Commission. Training at the CATTC is provided using modern teaching aids, active methods, and individual and group methods by specialists and experts in different fields. The Computer Center at the University of Samarkand provides computer service to departments and research units and collaborates with other institutions and the private sector to run short training courses. At the secondary school level, computers are still rare.

As a result of decline in funding, the printing of books, textbooks, and other publications face numerous difficulties. This problem is common for all NIS countries. Nevertheless, despite obvious difficulties, according to UNESCO, Uzbekistan schools supplied about 60 percent of textbooks as a whole and for some selected subjects up to 100 percent. Publishing houses produced about 149 million copies of over 1700 various titles. From 1992 to 1997, some 174 textbooks with over 53,000 copies were published, including 138 original, 19 translated, 8 parallel in 2 languages, and 9 experimental textbooks. About 170 various tutorials and educational literature in 7 languages are published. Audiovisual materials are usually manually prepared by teachers. With the high price of copying and low salaries, teachers and professors must be creative.

In the Soviet-type higher education institution, most students studied for a full working week (five to six days a week, six to eight hours of classes a day). Evening and correspondence courses were also popular. The first and the second year of the curriculum usually included the study of social science with similar course requirements for all students. Specialization began in the third year and continued in the fourth year. Within this period a student had between 4,500 and 5,000 face-to-face hours of instruction in 20 to 30 subjects, depending on the field of concentration. Curriculum included general subjects like philosophy and economy, specialized subjects determined by the chosen profession, and very specific courses depending on the deeper specialization. Curriculum was very rigid and equal for all students. There were no choices. In the modern system higher education institutions, curriculum is certainly less rigid. However, the authorization of the curriculum is still the responsibility of a ministry, not a particular institution.

The expansion of curricula, including the addition of courses in French, Arabic, and English, has placed new stress on a limited supply of teachers and materials. In the mid-1990s, a major curriculum reform was begun. Western experts advised:

• a more commercial approach to the mathematics curriculum
• more emphasis in economics courses on the relationship of capital to labor
• more emphasis in social science courses on individual responsibility for the environment
• the addition of entirely new subjects, such as business management.

Because such changes involve new materials and a new pedagogical approach by staff, the reform period is estimated at 10 to 15 years. The current transformation of the educational system is performed along educational models in developed countries. According to Gulyamov, "During the process of developing the National Program the experience of reforming education in more than 30 leading countries in the world has been studied" (Gulyamov 1999).

In 1997, President Karimov founded "Umid," a program providing students with educational fellowships for obtaining education abroad. By the year 2000, over 700 students have been awarded the "Umid" Presidential Scholarship to pursue graduate and undergraduate degrees in the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Italy, and Japan. Certainly, returning graduates are expected to bring back "the influence," and those who have finished their studies are employed by the State. The Uzbekistan educators established contacts with the United Nations Organization and separate countries like France, Germany, the Republic of Korea, Turkey, and the United States. Many organizations like Peace Corp (USA), ACCELS (USA), British Council, Merci Project (Great Britain), Goethe Institute (Germany), NAFE (USA), and Save the Children Fund (Great Britain) participate in the educational efforts undertaken by Uzbekistan. For example, the Ministry of Education of Turkey assisted in forming 22 Lycea for over 4.8 thousand students. Another example is the American Council on Cooperation in Education (ANCALS) which within 4 years helped over 222 Uzbekistan students get education in the United States. Finally, within only 2 years, 25 Uzbekistan schools got the certificates of UNESCO Associated Schools Project (ASP).

An American Educational Advising Center (EAC) funded by the United States Information Agency (USIA) and administered by the American Council for Collaboration in Education and Language Study (ACCELS) was established in Tashkent to assist individuals interested in studying, training, and/or pursuing research in the United States. Tashkent EAC also monitors three similar regional educational advising centers located in the other cities. EAC provides ongoing training for the advisors.

Finally, the European Training Foundation (ETF) established an observatory to monitor the vocational education and training in Uzbekistan. It also disseminates the language training programs and helps the European Commission with the implementation of the Tempus program. Since 1994 the latter has financed over 12 projects, including the restructuring of the Geography Faculty at Samarkand State University and the development of a new history curriculum at Tashkent State University.

Education has and will continue to play a significant role in development. First, it increases an individual's internal potential, self-respect, and self-esteem. Second, it makes an individual a better prospect for employment. Third and most importantly, an educated individual gives more back to the society. Unfortunately, the results of education and training are less directly connected to revenue for immediate business growth, which is why the government tends to cut educational budgets.

Additional topics

• Uzbekistan - Preprimary Primary Education
• Uzbekistan - Constitutional Legal Foundations

Education - Free Encyclopedia Search Engine Global Education Reference Uzbekistan - History Background, Constitutional Legal Foundations, Educational System—overview, Preprimary Primary Education, Secondary Education

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Partner since: 2013

Total grant support: US$103,758,200

Grant eligibility:

• System capacity

Partnership Compact

Priority: Equitable access to transformative quality education for all.

Other key documents

Coordinating agency: UNICEF

GPE Team lead: Trine Petersen

Transforming education in Uzbekistan

The education system in Uzbekistan is currently managed by two ministries: Ministry of Preschool and School Education and Ministry of Higher and Secondary Specialized Education.

The education is the sector with the highest government expenditures, 20.5 percent of public expenditures and 4.9 percent of the national GDP, according to the UNESCO Institute of Statistics. This is considerably more than other countries in the Central Asia region and elsewhere with a similar income level.

The Ministry of Preschool and School Education adopted the second education sector plan (2019-2023) . The plan was developed with the participation of the different divisions of the MoPE, MoPSE, other line ministries (Finances, Economy, Health, and Employment and Labor Relations), as well as the State Inspection for the Quality of Education, State Statistics Committee and international development partners.

The 2019-23 ESP has an overall vision that reflects the recent reforms introduced by the Government of Uzbekistan and is consistent with the it’s national development strategy 2017-2021.

Uzbekistan: Teacher home visits support learning for the youngest children

• 7-year-old Hondamir is now ready to attend primary school thanks to the home visiting program.
• A Multiplier grant of US$10 million mobilized alongside almost US$60 million in additional co-financing from the World Bank, supports the early childhood development project. This program aims to increase access to preschool education for vulnerable children living in remote areas of Uzbekistan.
• Since Hondamir started participating in the home visiting program, his knowledge and skills have improved significantly. He, along with children from 3471 families participating in the program, is now fully prepared for primary school.

(data as of August 24, 2024)

Type: Multiplier

Years: 2023 - 2028

Allocation: US$40,000,000

Utilization: 0

Grant agent: IsDB

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Years: 2023 - 2026

Allocation: US$2,849,250

Grant agent: WB

• Strengthen education system governance by improving the quality of education data, supporting effective sector coordination, and enhancing the efficiency, equity and transparency of domestic financing.

Years: 2019 - 2024

Allocation: US$10,000,000

Utilization: US$5,710,643

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• PTU or Professional Technical School: Students receive a Junior Specialist Diploma equal to a Certificate of Complete Secondary Education.
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• Preschool training (preprimary-from three to six years old)
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Achievements and Shortcomings in the Organization of Independent Educational Activities of Higher Education Professors: A Case Study in Concrete Sciences

14 Pages Posted: 19 Aug 2024 Publication Status: Under Review

Ibrokhimjon Tojalievich Tozhiboev

Fergana State University

This study investigates the organization of independent educational activities among professors in concrete sciences disciplines within Uzbekistan's evolving higher education system. The research employs a qualitative approach, utilizing semi-structured interviews with faculty members recognized for innovative teaching practices, supplemented by document analysis and student feedback. The study explores pedagogical strategies such as Problem-Based Learning (PBL), flipped classrooms, and collaborative projects, assessing their impact on student engagement, motivation, and academic achievement. Findings reveal significant achievements in enhancing active learning and critical thinking skills through these methodologies, despite challenges such as institutional resistance, resource constraints, and variability in student readiness. Recommendations include investment in educational infrastructure, professional development for faculty, policy reforms to support pedagogical innovation, and enhanced student support services. This study contributes insights into improving educational practices in Uzbekistan's higher education sector and underscores the importance of addressing barriers to facilitate effective implementation of independent learning initiatives.

Keywords: Independent Educational Activities, pedagogical innovation, Problem-Based Learning, Flipped Classroom, Collaborative learning, student engagement

Suggested Citation: Suggested Citation

Ibrokhimjon Tojalievich Tozhiboev (Contact Author)

Fergana state university ( email ).

Fergana Uzbekistan

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