sindhi essay qaumi hero

Qaumi Ittehad Essay In Urdu

Back to: Urdu Essays List 3

Education Is The Key To Success

• Grammar (Eng)
• Grammar ( Ur)
• Essays (Eng)
• Past Papers
• Guess Papers
• Short Stories
• Scholarship
• Online Courses
• Admission Updates

Search This Blog

Friday 27 December 2019

Sindhi for class ix - essay on - علم وڏي دولت آھي, go to index, علم وڏي دولت آھي, by adamjee coaching center.

Reference Book: Iqra

No comments:

Post a comment.

• Celebrities

Pakistan National Anthem – Qaumi Tarana History, Writer, Translation with Lyrics

Pakistan National Anthem that is also called as the Qaumi Tarana is the National Anthem of Pakistan. For the information of readers, the current Qaumi Tarana is widely regarded as the controversial for being the first National Anthem of Pakistan. It is being said that the first National Anthem that was aired on the date of independence from the Radio Pakistan was Tarana-e-Pakistan that was composed by the Jagannath Azad . However, it is also important to mention here that it was never officially recognized as National Anthem of Pakistan that’s why can’t be said as the National Anthem of Pakistan.

[img id="1" caption=""]

Qaumi Tarana History

The current prevailing National Anthem of Pakistan that is called as the Qaumi Tarana is the officially recognized National Anthem of Pakistan whose music was composed by the Ahmad G. Chagla in 1949 and lyrics were written by the Hafeez Jullundhri in 1952. Qaumi Tarana was officially recognized as the National Anthem of Pakistan in August 1954 and was first time broadcasted from the Radio Pakistan on August 13, 1954. After the composition of the music of Qaumi Tarana, 11 singers tried to write lyrics according to composition. These eleven were Ahmad Rushdi, Shameem Bano, Anwar Zaheer, Akhtar Wasi Ali, Ghulam Dastagir, Zawar Hussain, Naseema Shaheen, Shameem Bano, Kaukab Jahan, Rasheeda Begum and Najam Ara.

The special distinguish quality of Qaumi Tarana is its three stanza composition and the eastern music that is easy to play by the foreign music brands as well. The music of Pakistani National Anthem represent the style of both eastern and western music. The playing duration of Qaumi Tarana is 80 seconds.

Qaumi Tarana Writer

Hafeez Jullundhri was the writer of the Qaumi Tarana. He was an Urdu-language poet who wrote the lyrics of the National Anthem of Pakistan on the music composition of the Ahmad G. Chagla.

[img id="2" caption=""]

Qaumi Tarana Lyrics in Urdu

Qaumi Tarana English Translation

Blessed be the sacred land,

Happy be the bounteous realm. Thou symbol of high resolve, O Land of Pakistan! Blessed be the citadel of faith

The order of this sacred land,

The might of the brotherhood of the people, May the nation, the country, and the state, Shine in glory everlasting! Blessed be the goal of our ambition.

The flag of the crescent and star,

Leads the way to progress and perfection, Interpreter of our past, glory of our present, inspiration for our future! Shade of God, the Glorious and Mighty.

Pakistan National Anthem Video

About Author

Popular Articles

The Rise of the Muhajir Qaumi Movement and Ethnic Politics in Sindh

Cite this chapter.

• Iftikhar H. Malik 2  

Part of the book series: St Antony’s Series ((STANTS))

79 Accesses

2 Altmetric

The most serious threat to Pakistan’s polity since its inception has been from conflictive ethnic militancy. More recently this threat has come in particular from Sindh. The various plural communities in the province in pursuit of self-definition continually antagonise each other, and so add further strains on the federation. In general, both ethnic and pseudo-ethnic protests choose violent means and exacerbate the country’s governability crisis. The Sindhis, led by umbrella organisations like the Sindh National Alliance (SNA) or Jeeye Sindh, have complained of economic marginalisation, cultural alienation and political deprivation. Parallel to them, the second generation of Urdu-speaking Muhajireen 1 in Sindh has been responsible for unprecedented organisational work in urban centres through the powerful Muhajir Qaumi Movement (MQM) which, in 1988 and 1990, captured almost all the seats in the national and provincial assembly elections of Hyderabad, Sukkur and Karachi besides an already existing absolute majority in the municipal governments of these cities. In the elections of 1993, once again the MQM won 27 seats in the provincial assembly, reaffirming its stature as the third largest party in Pakistan after the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and the Muslim League (ML). Both in electoral politics and street agitation, the MQM has superseded all rival parties, and to a great extent replaced the former Karachi-based national political parties such as Jama’at i-Islami (JI), the Awami National Party (ANP) and Jamiat i-Ulama i-Pakistan (JUP).

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

Subscribe and save.

• Get 10 units per month
• Download Article/Chapter or eBook
• 1 Unit = 1 Article or 1 Chapter
• Cancel anytime
• Available as PDF
• Read on any device
• Instant download
• Own it forever
• Durable hardcover edition
• Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
• Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Institutional subscriptions

Unable to display preview.  Download preview PDF.

For details on the manifesto and common charter, see Ahmed Saleem, Sulugta Hooa Sindh (Urdu), Lahore, 1990, pp. 210–13.

Google Scholar  

‘Jami’at’s confrontation with APMSO in 1988 turned Karachi University into a war zone, leading the military to occupy and close the university. As a result of Jami’at’s fighting simultaneously against religious, ethnic, and secular student organisations, great confusion permeated its ranks with delirious consequences,’ Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr, ‘Students, Islam and Politics: Islami Jamiat-i Tulaba in Pakistan’, Middle East Journal , XXXXVI(1), 1992, p. 75.

For a detailed analysis, see Anwar A. Syed, ‘Political Parties and the Nationality Question in Pakistan’, Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies , XII (1), Fall 1988, pp. 42–75.

For further details see I. Bakhtiar, ‘The Altaf Factor’, The Herald , January 1993, pp. 59–62.

Campus violence with the IJT as a major factor took the lives of 80 students between 1982 and 1988. For details see Zahid Hussain, ‘The Campus Mafias’, The Herald , October 1988, p. 52. Also, The Friday Times (Lahore), 14 September 1989, p. 11.

Younis Ahmed, ‘The Rise and Fall of Altaf Hussain’, The Herald , October 1988, pp. 62–4.

Tim McGirk, ‘Bhutto Gags Press as Killers Run Amok’, The Independent , 30 June 1995.

R. A. Specht et al. , Urbanization in Pakistan. The Case of Karachi , Copenhagen, 1983, p. 45.

Hamza Alavi, ‘The State in Post-Colonial Societies: Pakistan and Bangladesh’, in K. Gough and R. Sharma (eds), Imperialism and Revolution in South Asia , New Delhi, 1973, p. 162.

For details, see F. Selier and M. Karim (eds), Migration in Pakistan , Lahore, 1986.

See Hamza Alavi, ‘Pakistan and Islam: Ethnicity and Ideology’, Fred Halliday and Hamza Alavi (eds), State and Ideology in the Middle East and Pakistan , London, 1987, pp. 64–112.

Tahir Amin, Ethno-National Movements of Pakistan: Domestic and International Factors , Islamabad, 1988, p. 281.

Anwar Iqbal, ‘Is the tide turning against the MQM?’, The Muslim , 17 May 1989.

See Zaffar Abbas, ‘Sindh: Falling Apart?’, The Herald , May 1989, pp. 27–31.

See The Pakistan Profile (London), no. 20, 22 September 1989. Also see Ben Whitaker et al. , The Biharis in Bangladesh , MRG report no. III, London, 1982.

Emma Duncan, Breaking the Curfew. A Political Journey Through Pakistan , London, 1989, pp. 168–70;

and Christina Lamb, Waiting For Allah , London, 1991, pp. 138–66.

Jean-Pierre Peroncel-Hugoz, ‘Eyesore City is a Major Test for Bhutto’, Le Monde , in The Guardian , 30 July 1989.

‘Pressure from the military coincides with growing signs of discontent within Bhutto’s own party. Opposition circles suggest that meaningful national reconciliation can be achieved only under a new leadership of the PPP. Ms. Bhutto appears increasingly isolated, protected by a circle of fanatically loyal aides from the storm of criticism emerging in the ranks of her party. Resentment is also growing about the influence her husband, Asif exerts over her’ (Kathy Evans, ‘Bhutto Party Splits over Sind Policy’, The Guardian , 14 June 1990.

Ahmed Rashid, ‘Jam Sadeq Ali’ (obituary), The Independent , 6 March 1992. Also Syed Ghulam Mustafa Shah, Jam Sadiq Ali , Karachi, 1993.

Kathy Evans, ‘Top Military Officials Want Early Election in Pakistan’, The Guardian , 14 May 1992.

Derek Brown, ‘Pakistani Army to Stamp on Sind Gangsters’, The Guardian , 20 May 1992.

‘During a recent tour of Karachi, a visibly concerned Nawaz Sharif asked an official of the Citizens-Police Liaison Committee (CPLC) why the authori ties had failed to curb the rising incidence of car theft in the city. The CPLC official promptly replied, “How can crime be controlled when car snatchers enjoy the blessings and patronage of powerful advisers in the government?” To substantiate his statement, the official requested the Prime Minister to issue on-the-spot orders to raid the house of a provincial adviser. “There are at least four stolen cars parked at the adviser’s house”, he informed the Prime Minster. Perhaps aware of the adverse political fallout the raid could have on his government, Mr. Sharif advised the CPLC official to bring the issue to the Sindh chief minister’s notice in writing. But before the official could write to the chief minister the adviser was tipped off, and the cars had disappeared from his house within a few hours.’ For further details on orchestrated crime enjoying the support of influential people in the Sindh government, see Zahid Hussain and Hasan Mujtaba, ‘Crime and Politics’ (cover story), Newsline , August 1992, pp. 2–22.

Marwat was named as a major patron of car thieves operating in Balochistan and Sindh by some officials of the Field Investigation Team (FIT) in early 1993. His contacts included provincial ministers and sons of senior bureaucrats who had been caught red-handed. The inquiry was about to begin ‘when a message was received from a very important political personality, who reportedly asked the investigators not to proceed any further’. For details see Mazhar Abbas, ‘Operation Cover-up’, The Herald , April 1993, p. 57.

The list included 60 names from the MQM, a few names from the Al- Zulfiqar Organisation (AZO) and some Sindhi patharidars , some of whom like the minister Sher Jan Mazari held important positions in the government. Those from the MQM, included Dr Imran Farooq, Salim Shahzad, Suhail Mashadi, Javed Langra, Maqsood and Safdar Baqri. In the case of the AZO, other than its top leaders, it included Ghulam Rasool Hingoro, Ghulam Mustafa Korai and Ali Sunnara (the last reputedly being the AZO commander for Sindh). Certain members of the government like Syed Qabool Shah, Ghulam Hussain Unnar and Anwer Nizamani were listed for harbouring the criminals. Other patharidars included PPP MNAs like Syed Parvez Ali Shah, Sattar Bachani and Zafar Ali Leghari, Senator Amir Magsi and regional influentials like Malik Asad Sikander, Agha Tariq Pathan, Imdad Mohammd Shah, Syed Shabbir Ahmed Shah, Mohammed Thebo, Tahrani, Saif Otho, Haji Ramzan Chandio, Diriani Mai, Waseem Ahmed, Mureed Shah, Gul Mugheri, Ayub Junejo, Wazir Kalhoro, Amir Ali Goddar, Mumtaz Shah, Abdullah Chandio, Ejaz Hussain Shah, Haji Rehmatullah, Zafar Ali Leghari. All of them were allegedly involved in harbouring dacoits, thieves and other dangerous criminals. For further details, see Mazhar Abbas, ‘And Now for the Most Wanted List …’, The Herald , September 1992, pp. 20–1.

Various versions have been given of the nature, timing and rationale for Operation Clean-up, but it appears that in Hyderabad the MQM leadership found itself well prepared in advance. Though last-minute efforts persisted for some deal through Ishtiaq Azhar and Islam Nabi, the federal minster, to avert the operation, the MQM had forewarned its cadres to prepare for the worst. Hussain is reported to have told his close aides long in advance: ‘My life is in danger. If I am assassinated, no one from the other community should be held responsible but those who wear the baray baray phool (the big, big stars) on their shoulders’ (quoted in Hasan Mujtaba, ‘A Party in Hiding’, Newsline , August 1992, p. 49).

Ayaz Amir, ‘Strategic Withdrawal?’ The Herald , October 1992, pp. 37–8.

Christopher Thomas, ‘Snipers get Upper Hand in Karachi Violence’, The Times , 21 December 1994.

Download references

Author information

Authors and affiliations.

Bath College of Higher Education, UK

Iftikhar H. Malik ( Lecturer in History )

You can also search for this author in PubMed   Google Scholar

Copyright information

© 1997 Iftikhar H. Malik

About this chapter

Malik, I.H. (1997). The Rise of the Muhajir Qaumi Movement and Ethnic Politics in Sindh. In: State and Civil Society in Pakistan. St Antony’s Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230376298_11

Download citation

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230376298_11

Publisher Name : Palgrave Macmillan, London

Print ISBN : 978-1-349-39604-7

Online ISBN : 978-0-230-37629-8

eBook Packages : Palgrave Political & Intern. Studies Collection Political Science and International Studies (R0)

Share this chapter

Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content:

Sorry, a shareable link is not currently available for this article.

Provided by the Springer Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative

• Publish with us

Policies and ethics

• Find a journal
• Track your research

• Political Economy
• Contributors

An unsung hero of Sindh

A centenary tribute to Hemu Kalani

indh had a seminal role in the movement for Pakistan and before that in the anticolonial struggles going back to the War of Independence in 1857; as Dr Jetho Lalwani, author of Azadi Ka Parwana: Shaheed Hemu Kalani also reminds us in the opening chapter of his book, translated into English from Sindhi by Mohan Gehani to coincide with the 75 th anniversary of freedom from colonial rule. From Hoshu Sheedi and Rooplo Kolhi in the 19 th Century to Tejoomal of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Azad Hind Fauj; Ali Ahmed Brohi, an organiser of the 1946 Royal Indian Navy mutiny; Maulana Ubaidullah Sindhi and GM Syed who moved the only resolution in favour of Pakistan’s creation in the 20 th Century, Sindhis have been prominent in the anticolonial history of the Indian subcontinent. The book under review is about Hemu Kalani, a Sindhi Hindu freedom fighter who was younger than Bhagat Singh when he laid down his life for the cause of India’s freedom in 1943. For young Pakistani readers in particular let me briefly relate the life of Hemu Kalani.

Hemu Kalani was born in Sukkur on March 23, 1923. He belonged to a middle-class family of modest means that was staunchly pro-British. Hemu’s father was a contractor for building jails that housed anticolonial freedom fighters. According to the book, Hemu was a good student but an even better sportsman, excelling at wrestling and cricket. Inspired by one of his uncles, Hemu became the leader of the Swaraj Sena, a youth organisation mobilising students against the British. After organising many raids upon jails, trains and police stations, Hemu Kalani was arrested on the night of October 22, 1942, while unfastening the bolts from the fishplates of a railway track in Sukkur upon which a train was to travel to Quetta loaded with arms and ammunition. Hemu was accompanied by four comrades, namely Lachhmandas Keswani, Hashoo Santani, Hari Lilani and Tikam Bhatia, the latter managed their escape while he surrendered to the police. Despite the pleas of his lawyers and his family, the nineteen-year-old revolutionary claimed sole responsibility for the plan, neither naming any accomplices nor showing remorse over his actions.

Eventually, a martial law administrator changed Hemu’s life sentence to a death sentence. Young Hemu was executed on January 21, 1943, in Sukkur. Hemu was apprehended at a time of rising communal tensions between the Hindus and Muslims of Sindh. However, his death sentence galvanised the Sindhi elite across religious and political divides.

Subtitled ‘A creative reconstruction of the life and times of the great martyr Hemu Kalani’, the book is not a straightforward historical account of the legendary martyr. Neither the writer nor the translator – both born before partition in areas comprising Pakistan now – is a trained historian. In many places, artistic license has been taken to reimagine particular incidents of Hemu Kalani’s life. For example, it is unclear whether the wrestling incident described in Chapter Four, where Hemu defeats a white wrestler, ever occurred. The details of the trial and scenes from Hemu’s sentencing in Chapter Eleven also seem to be inspired by the much-publicized trial of the Punjabi revolutionary Bhagat Singh and his comrades Sukhdev and Rajguru, who were executed in Lahore a decade earlier.

This book is a useful effort to remember a forgotten but important anti-colonial hero. It should be translated into major Pakistani languages, including Urdu, Punjabi, Seraiki, Pashto and Balochi .

A note of dissenting is called for here. In a couple of places in the book, the translator implies that the four aforementioned comrades of Hemu Kalani, who identified themselves many years after his execution, claimed to be part of an anti-British resistance with him – were falsifying the facts. But other than the disclaimer that ‘there is no independent evidence to support such a claim’, the translator does not offer any evidence to support his assertion. The lack of a bibliography or list of sources in the book is a major lacuna. The evidence this scribe could see during a recent visit to the British Library in London and subsequent research from Sindhi sources do not support Gehlani’s claims about Hemu Kalani’s comrades not being part of his revolutionary coterie.

As far as mainstream public messages through the media and teaching history through curricula are concerned, the establishment in India is fast trying to reinvent its past. There is a desire apparently to create an amalgam of mythology and history that suits the current dispensation in power: Hindutva. It was alarming to hear a man say on some Indian television channel that the Jamia Masjid in Delhi was, in fact, Yamuna Mandir. That is taking the Taj Mahal-being-a-temple argument to the next level.

In Pakistan, on the other hand, a statue can be raised to honour Ghazi Ertugrul in Lahore, but it is hard to restore the name of a public park in Sukkur, earlier named after an illustrious citizen - Hemu Kalani. It is a shame that the ancestral house of Kalani, located on Mirki Street in Old Sukkur, where Hemu was born (some photographs are available on the internet) is in a dilapidated state and has not been declared a national monument. Such actions can help erase the mistrust and ill-will many Hindu citizens feel. How many know today about Hemu Kalani’s visit to Lahore as a part of his cricketing exploits? Only a few lily remember that among those appealing for a pardon for Hemu Kalani was Abdul Sattar Pirzada.

Even if Hemu Kalani’s family migrated to India after Partition, what stops us from honouring the martyrs in Babrra massacre near Charsadda, the Qissa Khwani Bazaar massacre in Peshawar and the resistance put up by Hoshu Sheedi and Rooplo Kolhi in Sindh?

There was no befitting national commemoration to mark 150 years of the 1857 War of Independence and only a few events marked the centenary of the Jallianwala Bagh massacre in 2019. The birth centenary of Hemu Kalani too has been met with a deafening silence by both the state and the civil society. Sindhi friends across the border inform me that birth centenary celebrations of Hemu Kalani began in India in March 2022 with plays, performances and seminars.

Aimed primarily at young Sindhis and people with Sindhi heritage, the book is a useful effort to keep alive the memory of an important anti-colonial hero. It should be translated into major Pakistani languages: Urdu, Punjabi, Seraiki, Pashto and Balochi. There is also potential for a drama or film. Like Bhagat Singh and Che Guevara, Hemu Kalani’s life and eventful death have all the ingredients of a blockbuster.

Azadi Ka Parwana Shaheed Hemu Kalani

Author: Jetho Lalwani (Translated from the Sindhi by Mohan Gehani)

Publisher: Sindhi Academy, Delhi, India, 2022

The reviewer is a Lahore-based,  award-winning translator and researcher. He was recently in the United Kingdom to access British archives  pertaining to the case (against), trial and execution of Hemu Kalani.  He can be reached at:  [email protected]  and tweets at @raza_naeem1979

More From Literati

The wall of ignorance

Notes on nostalgia and love

A wanderer’s tale

• Create account
• Contributions

Qaumi Taranah

The "Qaumī Tarānāh" (Urdu: قومی ترانہ‎, pronounced [ˈqɔːmiː təˈɾaːnə], lit. ' "National Anthem"'), also known as "Pāk Sarzamīn" (Urdu: پاک سرزمین‎, pronounced [ˈpɑːk ˈsəɾzəmiːn], lit. 'Thy Sacred Land'), is the national anthem of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. It was written by Hafeez Jalandhari in 1952 and the music was produced by Ahmad G. Chagla in 1949, preceding the lyrics.

The lyrics, written by the Pakistani Urdu-language poet, Hafeez Jullundhri in 1952, have commonality with Persian, rendering them mutually intelligible in both Urdu and Persian languages. No verse in the three stanza lyrics is repeated. The lyrics have heavy Persian poetic vocabulary, and only uses one exclusively Urdu word 'kā'.

Other translation

سوہݨی دھرتی خُش رہے، سوہݨا دیس خُش رہے توں اک عظیم سوگندھ دی نشانی آں پاکستان دی زمین ! بھروسے دا گڑھ ، خُش رہے سوہݨی دھرتی دا نظام لوکاں دے بھائی چارے دی طاقت لوکاچاری ، دیس تے راج ہمیشا رہ تے چمکدا رہ ! سدھراں دی منزل خُش رہ ! چند تارے والا چعھنڈا ترقی تے کامیابی دا رہنما اے کل دا عکس ، اج دی شان مستقبل نوں جی آیاں نوں رب دی چھاں

پاڪ سرزمین شاد باد ڪشور حسين شاد باد تو نشان عزم عالي شان ارض پاڪستان! مرڪز یقین شاد باد پاڪ سرزمین ڪا نظام قوت اخوت عوام قوم ، ملڪ ، سلطنت پائندہ تابندہ باد شاد باد منزل مراد پرچم ستارہ و هلال رهبر ترقي و ڪمال ترجمان ماضي شان حال جان استقبال! سایۂ خدائي ذوالجلال

Other transliteration

These are adopted scripts which are not (and have never been) officially used to write Urdu.

Devanagari transliteration

पाक सरज़मीन शाद बाद किश्वर-ए-हसीन शाद बाद तू निशान-ए-अज़्म-ए-आलिशान अर्ज़-ए-पाकिस्तान! मरकज़-ए-यक़ीन शाद बाद पाक सरज़मीन का निज़ाम क़ूवत-ए-अख़ूवत-ए-अवाम क़ौम, मुल्क, सलतनत पाइन्दा ताबिन्दा बाद! शाद बाद मंज़िल-ए-मुराद परचम-ए-सितारा-ओ-हिलाल रहबर-ए-तरक़्क़ी-ओ-कमाल तर्जुमान-ए-माज़ी, शान-ए-हाल, जान-ए-इस्तक़बाल! साया-ए-ख़ुदा-ए-ज़ुल जलाल

Bengali transliteration

পাক সরজ়মীন শাদ বাদ, কিশ্ৱর-এ-হসীন শাদ বাদ, তূ নিশান-এ-অজ়্ম-এ-আলী শান অর্জ়-এ-পাকিস্তান! মরকজ়-এ-য়ক়ীন শাদ বাদ। পাক সরজ়মীন কা নিজ়াম, কুৱ্ৱত-এ-উখ়ুৱ্ৱত-এ-অৱাম, ক়ৌম, মুল্ক, সলতনত পায়িন্দা তাবিন্দা বাদ! শাদ বাদ মনজ়িল-এ-মুরাদ। পরচম-এ-সিতারা-ও-হিলাল রহবর-এ-তরক়্ক়ী-ও-কমাল, তরজুমান-এ-মাজ়ী, শান-এ-হাল, জান-এ-ইস্তিক়বাল, সায়া-য়ে-খ়ুদা-য়ে জ়ুল-জলাল।

Tamil transliteration

பாக் சர் ஜமீன் ஷாத் பாத் கிஷ்வர்-எ-ஹசீன் ஷாத் பாத் தூ-நிஷான்-எ அசம்-எ-ஆலி ஷான் அர்ஸ்-எ-பாகிஸ்தான்! மர்கஸ்-எ-யகீன் ஷாட்த் பாத் பாக் சர் ஜமீன் க நிஜாம் குவத்-எ-உகுவத்-எ-அவாம் கௌம், முல்க், சல்தனாத் பா-இந்தா தபிந்தா பாத்! ஷாத் பாத் மஞ்சில்-எ-முராத் பர்சம்-எ-சிதார்-ரஹொ-ஹிலால் ரஹ்பர்-எ-தரக்கியொன்-கமால் தர்ஜுமான்-எ-மர்ட்சஸொ, ஷான்-எ-ஹால் ஜான்-எ-இஸ்டிக்பால்! சாய-எ-குடாஹ்-எ-ட்ஸு-இல்-ஜலால்

Gurmukhi transliteration

ਪਾਕ ਸਰਜ਼ਮੀਨ ਸ਼ਾਦ ਬਾਦ ਕਿਸ਼੍ਵਰ-ਏ-ਹਸੀਨ ਸ਼ਾਦ ਬਾਦ ਤੂ ਨਿਸ਼ਾਨ-ਏ-ਅਜ਼ਮ-ਏ-ਆਲੀਸ਼ਾਨ ਅਰਜ਼-ਏ-ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨ! ਮਰਕਜ਼-ਏ-ਯਕੀਨ ਸ਼ਾਦ ਬਾਦ ਪਾਕ ਸਰਜ਼ਮੀਨ ਕਾ ਨਿਜ਼ਾਮ ਕੂਵੱਤ-ਏ-ਅਖੂਵਤ-ਏ-ਅਵਾਮ ਕੌਮ, ਮੁਲਕ, ਸੁਲਤਨਤ ਪਾਇੰਦਾ ਤਾਬਿੰਦਾ ਬਾਦ! ਸ਼ਾਦ ਬਾਦ ਮੰਜ਼ਿਲ-ਏ-ਮੁਰਾਦ ਪਰਚਮ-ਏ-ਸਿਤਾਰਾ-ਓ-ਹਿਲਾਲ ਰਹਬਰ-ਏ-ਤਰਾਕੀ-ਓ-ਕਮਾਲ ਤਰਜੁਮਾਨ-ਏ-ਮਾਜ਼ੀ, ਸ਼ਾਨ-ਏ-ਹਾਲ ਜਾਨ-ਏ-ਇਸਤਕਬਾਲ! ਸਾਯਾ-ਏ-ਖ਼ੁਦਾ-ਏ-ਜ਼ੁਲ ਜਲਾਲ

• National Anthems

You are here

Pakistan national anthem(قومی ترانہ).

The Qaumi Taranah (Urdu: قومی ترانہ‎‎, Qaumī Tarānah pronounced [ˈqɔː.mi ˈt̪ə.rɑː.nɑ], lit. “National Anthem”), also known as Pāk Sarzamīn (Urdu: پاک سرزمین‎‎, pronounced [ˈpɑːk ˈsər.zə.miːn], lit. “The Sacred Land”), is the national anthem of Pakistan. Its music was composed by Ahmad G. Chagla in 1949, preceding the lyrics, which were written by Hafeez Jullundhri in 1952. It was officially adopted as Pakistan's national anthem in August 1954[1] and was recorded in the same year by eleven major singers of Pakistan including Ahmad Rushdi, Kaukab Jahan, Rasheeda Begum, Najam Ara, Naseema Shaheen, Zawar Hussain, Akhtar Abbas, Ghulam Dastagir, Anwar Zaheer and Akhtar Wasi Ali

About Pakistan

Independence Day (Pakistan)

Independence Day (Urdu: یوم آزادی‎‎; Yaum-e Āzādī), observed annually on 14 August, is a national holiday in Pakistan. It commemorates the day when Pakistan achieved independence and was declared

Muhammad Ali Jinnah (Founder of Pakistan)

Muhammad Ali Jinnah (born Mahomedali Jinnahbhai; 25 December 1876  – 11 September 1948) was a lawyer, politician, and the founder of Pakistan.[1] Jinnah served as leader of the All-India Muslim

Allama Iqbal (Shair-e-Mashriq)

Allama Iqbal (علامہ اِقبال‎) (November 9, 1877 – April 21, 1938), widely known as Muhammad Iqbal, was a poet, philosopher, and politician, as well as an academic, barrister and scholar[1][2] in

Pakistan Map

Pakistan is one of nearly 200 countries illustrated on our Blue Ocean Laminated Map of the World. This map shows a combination of political and physical features. It includes country boundaries,

The Qaumi Taranah (Urdu: قومی ترانہ‎‎, Qaumī Tarānah pronounced [ˈqɔː.mi ˈt̪ə.rɑː.nɑ], lit. “National Anthem”), also known as Pāk Sarzamīn (Urdu: پاک سرزمین‎‎, pronounced [ˈpɑːk ˈsər.zə.miːn], lit

Pakistani National Dress

The salwar kameez is the national dress of Pakistan[1][2] and is worn by men and women in all four provinces Punjab, Sindh, Baluchistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in the country and in Azad Kashmir.

The National Flower of Pakistan, JASMINE

For thousands of years, the jasmine plant has been cultivated not only for the beauty of its small, white, star-like flowers, but it has also been prized for its intoxicating scent. Originating in

Pakistan National Tree Deodar

Cedrus deodara (deodar cedar, Himalayan cedar, or deodar/devdar/devadar/devadaru; Urdu: ديودار deodār/devdār; Punjabi: دیار  is a species of cedar native to the western Himalayas in eastern

Pakistan National Animal Markhor

The markhor (Capra falconeri; Pashto: مرغومی‎ marǧūmi; Persian/Urdu: مارخور‎), also known as the screw horn goat, is a large species of wild goat that is found in northeastern Afghanistan,

Pakistan National Bird Chakor

The chukar partridge or chukar (Alectoris chukar) is a Eurasian upland gamebird in the pheasant family Phasianidae. It has been considered to form a superspecies complex along with the rock

Pakistan National Language Urdu

Urdu (اردو‎) is the national language (قومی زبان‎), lingua franca and one of two official languages of Pakistan (the other currently being English). Although only about 8% of Pakistanis speak it

Pakistan National Game Hockey

Field Hockey is the national game of Pakistan and wearing green shirts represent the Pakistan Hockey Federation in international field hockey competitions.  Even though field hockey is the

Nishan-i-Haider

The Nishan-i-Haider (Urdu: نشان حیدر meaning "Order of the Lion") is the Highest' military award given by Pakistan. Awarded "to those who have performed acts of greatest heroism or most

Hilal-i-Jur'at

The Hilal-i-Jur'at (Urdu: ہلال جرات‬‎ [ɦəˈlaːl ə dʒʊˈraːt̪], as if it were Halāl-e-Jurāt; English: Crescent of Courage , sometimes spelled as Hilal-e-Jur'at, Hilal-e-Jurat, Hilal-i-Jurrat and

Sitara-e-Jurat

Sitara-e-Jurat (Star of Courage) is the third highest military award of Pakistan. It was established in 1957 after Pakistan became a Republic; however, it was instituted retrospectively back to

Sitara-e-Basalat

Sitara-e-Basalat (Star of Good Conduct) is a non-operational award of Pakistan Armed Forces given to individuals for distinguished acts of gallantry, valor or courage while performing their duty.[

a direction as to the intended recipient, written on or attached to a piece of mail.

Useful link

Up comming events

Pak Cultural Society

PAKISTAN DAY 2022

PAKISTAN DAY 2022 IS BEING CELEBRATED BY THE PAK CULTURAL SOCIETY IN AN ENTERTAINING AND COLORFUL EVENT AS FOLLOWS:

VENUE : WFIA COMMUNITY CENTRE 119-121 GROVE ROAD, WALTHAMSTOW LONDON E4 9AJ

DATE : 27 MARCH 2022 TIME: 3-7 PM

ALL INVITED.

E-Paper | September 20, 2024

Scholarly study of relationship between sindhi and urdu languages.

ISLAMABAD, April 15: If historiography is an art seeking to establish a meaningful order in the chaos of facts and materials then the most recent issue of Akhbar-i-Urdu, published by ‘Muqtadara Qaumi Zuban’ (National Language Authority, should be seen as a monumental study in the kinship between Sindhi and Urdu languages.

Published this month, the monograph carries a collection of 35 scholarly essays. Eminent scholars, present and past, who have contributed to the study, include Syed Sulaiman Nadvi, Shaikh Ayaz, Pir Hassamuddin Rashdi, Prof Rahmat Farrakhabadi, Dr Sharfuddin Islahi, Dr Shahida Begum, Japanese scholar Mamyakin Sako, Syed Mustafa Barelvi, Mirza Qaleech Beg, Dr Muhammad Yousaf Kushk, Syed Mazhar Jameel, Mohan Lal Premi, Dr Moinuddin Aqeel, Prof (Dr) Riazul Islam, Asif Farrukhi, Himayat Ali Shayer, Dr Mahmudur Rahman, Samina Qureshi, Shaukat Siddiqui, Prof Fateh Mohammad Malik, Dr Mughni Tabassum and Muhammad Arif Iqbal.

A case has been made in these essays showing relationship between Sindhi and Urdu languages by eminent men of letters with a known track record of the kind of research which leaves an impact on the architecture of languages, linguistics and literature.

They have explored the attachment binding Sindhi and Urdu languages, as well as the deepening influence of Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit on them. This encyclopaedia journal should be looked upon as an important tool for study of Pakistan link languages, in the national context. For instance, noted Sindhi scholar the late Pir Hassamuddin Rashdi argues, in one essay, “Arabic and Persian languages have a lasting impact on the Sindhi language and because of this enabling factor the Urdu language was born, as it were, from the womb of Sindhi”. An important fact reflected in the issue of Akhbar Urdu is, though Urdu poetry grew in Deccan, it was more or less contemporaneous within Sindh. Poets such as Mullah Abdul Hakeem Ata Thattavi, Mir Saddruddin Kamil, Mir Mahmud Sabir, Ruhul Fakir, Syed Sabit Ali Shah, Ziauddin Zia, Azimuddin Thattavi, Sachal Sarmast, Akhund Qasim Bali, Mir Ghulam Ali Mayel, Mir Nasiruddin Jafari, Qadir Bakhsh Bedil, Mir Husain Ali Khan Talpur Husain, Mir Fateh Khan Fateh, Mirza Abbas Ali Beg, Hakim Fazal Muhammad Hatim, Syed Ghulam Muhammad Shah Gadaa, Nawab Faqeer Vali Muhammad, Mian Muhammad Yusuf Haidery, Syed Misri Shah Nasapuri, Mir Abul Hasan Khan Sangee, Mirza Qaleech Beg, Mir Ali Nawaz Khan Talpur were outstanding writers of ‘ghazal’ or ‘rekhta’ in both Persian and Urdu verses, and expressed with great felicity in Urdu, writes Prof Rahmat Farrakhabadi. For that matter Shah Habib, the father of patron saint of Sindh, Shah Abdul Latif, both conversed and also wrote poetry in Urdu. The great Sindhi educationist and poet, Shaikh Ayaz, who has translated Shah jo Rasalo in Urdu, has an assured place in the pantheon of Urdu letters. Many different roads have been traversed in this in-house journal of Muqtadara. One essay describes common phonetics of the two languages, as well as transfer of literary and scholarly works from Sindhi to Urdu, done by great scholars, such as Pir Hassamudddin Rashdi, Ghulam Ali Allana and Dr Nabi Bukhsh Baloch, Mirza Qaleech Beg.

Of course it is easy to guess that in this painstaking work the stature of the great Pir raises a notch higher than others. An interesting chapter discusses the impact of Sir Syed’s bid for Muslims to adopt the English system of education. This message reached Sindh where we discover that Khan Bahadur Hasan Ali Effendi as a worthy promoter of this idea. Hassan Ali Effendi later established Sindh Madrassatul Islam, the alma mater of Muhammad Ali Jinnah who rose to be the nation’s founder. For this reason, says scholar Dr Yousaf Khushk, the late Effendi is celebrated as the Sir Syed of Sindh province.

One gets the impression that the study gives a partial view and apart from Shah Abdul Latif’s works and those of other religious personalities very little mention has been made of Sindhi literary and scholarly works having been translated and brought within reach of Urdu readers. However, the study also devoted itself to discussion of attempts at learning the Sindhi language and literature made by Urdu speaking population of the province, especially those living inland towns and villages where Sindhi and Urdu have become interchangeable, and here those who speak Urdu language also use Sindhi with ease. It can be said with hindsight that a scholarly study of this kind would have been very opportune in July 1972 when the Sindh province was wrecked in a silly fashion because of language feud, caused by a myopic group within the two communities, without realizing that the two languages were cousins.—Jonaid Iqbal

Constitutional court dominates political discourse

Woman sentenced to death for ‘online blasphemy’

Imran warns of ‘court arrest drive’ if Lahore jalsa blocked

Revolutionising reproductive health: Viya launches Viya Telehealth

پیجر کیا ہے، اسے کیوں اور کیسے استعمال کیا جاتا ہے؟

ایک ایسا سیارہ جہاں جانور حکمرانی کرتے ہیں!

قائدِاعظم محمد علی جناح کیسا پاکستان چاہتے تھے؟

Development and Climate Change

Do Pakistan’s Refineries Need to be Upgraded?

Pakistan’s IMF Lifeline and Debt Dilemma

Top News: Israel-Hezbollah War Intensifies

Dispatch From Washington: US, UK on Russia - Ukraine War

India Rejects Iran’s Supreme Leader’s Comments on Minority Treatment

🔴LIVE: UN Debates War In Gaza

Dear visitor, the comments section is undergoing an overhaul and will return soon.

Latest Stories

NA secretariat list shows 80 PTI MNAs as SIC lawmakers despite SC reserved seats verdict

Bangladesh struggling to muster dollars to pay Indian power debts, sources say

Iran summons Afghan envoy for ‘disrespecting’ anthem, days after similar incident in Pakistan

Govt invites Chinese enterprises to invest in Pakistan’s energy, petroleum sectors

US polls: Donald Trump says Jews will be partly to blame if he loses election

Hezbollah handed out pagers hours before blasts — even after checks

Netflix drops first looks for highly-anticipated second seasons of Wednesday and Squid Game

Going loco for local: Dimplin’s dumplings are quickly becoming a freezer staple

The Legend of Maula Jatt’s Indian release faces opposition from hardline nationalist party

Most popular.

Cartoon: 19 September, 2024

Pakistan’s partnership doesn’t prevent sanctions: US State Dept

Hezbollah pager blasts: what we know about the deadly attack

Govt’s draft bill on constitutional amendments ‘completely rejected’, Fazl says after PTI luncheon

Lebanon’s Hezbollah reeling after 37 killed in two days of device blasts

Lingering concerns

Justice Mansoor Ali Shah to become next CJP, says Bilawal

Outrage over Kabul envoy’s ‘disrespect’ for national anthem

ECP still in a fix over SC verdict on reserved seats

The proposed federal constitutional court is nothing but a new ‘Dogar court’

Karachi and the heat trapped in it.

Being featured in the iPhone ad isn’t British-Pakistani DJ Ahadadream’s biggest win

Editorial: The ruling set-up has again come to ECP’s aid against courts

Why didn’t Nawaz help govt win over ‘old pal’ Fazl?

Truth to power

PPPs for UHC

Dogar Courts

Father of man

Taming the judiciary

IHK election farce

Donating organs.

Pager explosions

Losing to china, sc wonders how reserved seats order appeared online.

Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.

To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to  upgrade your browser .

Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link.

• We're Hiring!
• Help Center

The Muttahida Qaumi Movement and the Pakistani State

On 17 September 2000, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) presented a number of demands at a public meeting in Acton/London. These demands and the circumstance of their presentation raised a number of questions about the party. The paper shows how the MQM has grown over the past years and explores the very contradictory position of the MQM within Pakistan society and the relationship between the party and the state. It describes the ethnic core of the party which reflects the political realities and structure of the Pakistani state. By so doing the paper also explains the limits of the party and how it differs from the other political forces. It also shows that the Acton meeting was a direct reflection of the situation in Pakistan after the take-over by the military in 1999 and signalled that the crisis of the state and the conflict between the MQM and the state have reached a new climax.

Related Papers

Supervisory Committee: Dr. Radhika Desai, Professor, Department of Political Science Supervisor Dr. Feng Xu, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science Departmental Member Dr. Guoguang Wu, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science Departmental Member Dr. Gregory Blue, Associate Professor, Department of History External Member This thesis asks how the Mohajir Quami Mahaz (MQM), transformed itself from an ethnic to a catch-all party. Existing literature heavily emphasizes the MQM’s militancy, while this thesis explores the journey of the party, formed in 1984 to represent Urdu-speakers in Pakistan, through each phase of its development down to its transformation into the Muttahida Qaumi Mahaz (United National Movement) in 1997. The MQM’s process of transformation can be explained theoretically through Kirchheimer’s catch-all party theory. My findings note a shift from an ethno-militant agenda of Mohajir interests to one stressing the need for “national unity” and ...

Abdul Qadir Mushtaq

MQM is a political party which plays an important role in the politics of Pakistan. It is trying to increase its influence in all provinces of Pakistan and for this purpose branches are being established in the various cities if Pakistan. It claims to be the representative of the deprive people of all Pakistan. This paper presents the study of MQM with special reference to its creation and what were the factors behind its creation. This study will also disclose the relation of MQM and military dictator Zia. What is the main dispute between the religious sections and MQM, Punjabi and MQM, Pushtoon and MQM? How the agencies played role in strengthening the unity and harmony among the Mahajirs? Is MQM politics based on regionalism and racialism?

Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ)

The partition of Indian sub-continent in 1947 was a historic event surrounded by many controversies and issues. Some of those ended up with the passage of time while others were kept alive and orchestrated. Besides numerous problems for the newly born state of Pakistan, one such controversy was about the Muhajirs (immigrants) who were settled in Karachi. The paper analyses the factors that brought the relation between the native Sindhis and Muhajirs to such an impasse which resulted in the growth of conspiracy theories, division among Sindhis; subsequently to the demand of Muhajir Suba (Province); target killings, extortion; and eventually to military clean-up operation in Karachi. The paper also throws light on the twin simmering problems of native Sindhis and Muhajirs. Besides, the paper attempts to answer the question as to why the immigrants could not merge in the native Sindhis despite living together for so long and why the native Sindhis remained backward and deprived. Finall...

Behroz Baloch

Tahir Naqvi

This paper examines the historical, ethical, and affective dimensions of the Muhajir narrative of sacrifice (kurbaani) The assertion that Muhajirs sacrificed by participating in the movement for Pakistan's independence and then by leaving their ancestral homes in India to settle in Pakistan “for the sake of Islam” is a complex claim for recognition. It is a claim that precedes the formation of the MQM yet figures prominently within the movement’s ethnopolitical discourse. I contend that while the muhajir conception of sacrifice displays features of a postcolonial nationalist discourse, it is one that cannot be examined through the usual “critique of essentialism” that would seek to deconstruct the mythical representation of a pure (sovereign) identity. While at one level the narrative of Muhajir sacrifice is essentialist, I argue that this essentialism is not focused on either implicitly or explicitly securing a sovereign (or self-actualizing) Muhajir identity.

The sudden and dramatic rise of MQM (Muhajir Quami Movement) provides an important case study for the students of cultural pluralism. The rise of MQM in the middle 1980's was a very successful example of ethnic mobilization. MQM's claim that Urdu-speaking 'Muhajirs' (refugees from the Muslim minority provinces of the subcontinent) constitute a fifth nationality in Pakistan was also an example of re-definition of political identity for a community which had previously shunned particularistic ethnic identities in favor of a broader Muslim Pakistani identity. The rise of MQM has occurred in the midst of ethnic violence in urban Sindh, especially Karachi. The level off violence has not abated despite a so called 'operation Clean-up' launched by the military in 1992. A greater understanding of the factors responsible for the emergence of MQM can contribute to the larger literature on cultural pluralism and also shed light on the recent political developments in Pakistan. i On April, 1985, death of a college student by a speeding minibus led to rioting by the students against the transporters in Karachi. Within two days there were widespread ethnic clashes between the Pathans, owners and operators of minibuses and Urdu-speaking Muhajirs, predominantly the passengers of minibuses. ii The ethnic conflict between Urdu-speaking Muhajirs and the Pathans continued to intensify for the next two years. A group of young Muhajir students, led by Altaf Hussain, formed MQM 'Muhajir Quami Movement.' MQM claimed that the Urdu-speaking Muhajirs constitute the fifth nationality (Punjabi,

Waseem Baloch

Diego Abenante

The expression "anti-Qadiani controversy" in the historiography of Pakistan refers to a series of disturbances which occurred in the Province of Punjab between February and March 1953, that was characterised by a violent attack against the religious sect of the Qadiani (or Ahmadiyya) and that led the central Government to declare - on 6 March - Martial Law. In this paper, we will consider the wider meaning of the agitation. We will take into consideration not only the February 1953 disturbances - that can be seen as the actual conclusion of the agitation - but the whole campaign against the Ahmadiyya, which started around 1949 and that was led mainly by the organisation called Majlis-i-Ahrar. If the success of the agitation demonstrated once more the great potential Islamic symbols had in Pakistani politics, the reaction of the Government - on the other hand - tells us that the balance amongst the holders of political power in Pakistan was shifting towards the bureaucracy and the army. In 1953 the secular classes decided that the politicians were unable to guarantee order in the country, so preparing the ground for the successive intrusion of the military in Pakistani political life.

Mudasir Nazar

Loading Preview

Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.

RELATED PAPERS

Bilawal shaikh

Journal of South Asian Studies

Dr.Aisha Shahzad

In: Considering the Future of Democracy in Pakistan, Bettina Robotka (ed), (Südasien / Working Papers; Number 1), 33-48

Dietrich Reetz

Melbourne Asia Review

Hamza Surbuland

Asian Affairs

Political Power and Social Theory

Sadia Saeed

Journal of Research in Social Sciences

Qamar cheema

Naumana Kiran , Muhammad Iqbal Chawla

Muslims against the Muslim League

Farhana Qazi

William Richter

Farhan H. Siddiqi

Syed Muhammad Usman Ghani

Asian journal of social sciences and humanities

Nawaz Shahzad

Himayat Khan

S Akhtar Shah

Journal of Social Sciences

Farhan Mujahid Chak

Anthropology Today

Populism and Politics

Ihsan Yilmaz

Hikmat ullah

Dr. Muhammad J U N A I D Nadvi

Moonis Ahmar

Nadeem Akhtar

Christine Fair

•   We're Hiring!
•   Help Center
• Find new research papers in:
• Health Sciences
• Earth Sciences
• Cognitive Science
• Mathematics
• Computer Science
• Academia ©2024