lifespan development case study examples

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Ch 7: Lifespan Development

Welcome to the story of your life. In this chapter, we will explore the fascinating tale of how you have grown and developed into the person you are today. We will also look at some ideas about who you will grow into tomorrow. Yours is a story of lifespan development (Figure 1), from the start of life to the end.

The process of human growth and development is more obvious in infancy and childhood, yet your development is happening this moment and will continue, minute by minute, for the rest of your life. Who you are today and who you will be in the future depends on a blend of genetics, environment, culture, relationships, and more, as you continue through each phase of life. You have experienced firsthand much of what is discussed in this chapter. Now consider what psychological science has to say about your physical, cognitive, and psychosocial development, from the womb to the tomb.

Theories of Development

There are many theories regarding how babies and children grow and develop into happy, healthy adults. Sigmund Freud suggested that we pass through a series of psychosexual stages in which our energy is focused on certain erogenous zones on the body. Eric Erikson modified Freud’s ideas and suggested a theory of psychosocial development. Erikson said that our social interactions and successful completion of social tasks shape our sense of self. Jean Piaget proposed a theory of cognitive development that explains how children think and reason as they move through various stages. Finally, Lawrence Kohlberg turned his attention to moral development. He said that we pass through three levels of moral thinking that build on our cognitive development. You’ll learn about each of these theories in this section.

Learning Objectives

• Describe the three major issues in development: continuity and discontinuity, one common course of development or many unique courses of development, and nature versus nurture

What Is Lifespan Development?

My heart leaps up when I behold A rainbow in the sky: So was it when my life began; So is it now I am a man; So be it when I shall grow old, Or let me die! The Child is father of the Man; And I could wish my days to be Bound each to each by natural piety. (Wordsworth, 1802)

In this poem, William Wordsworth writes, “the child is father of the man.” What does this seemingly incongruous statement mean, and what does it have to do with lifespan development? Wordsworth might be suggesting that the person he is as an adult depends largely on the experiences he had in childhood. Consider the following questions: To what extent is the adult you are today influenced by the child you once were? To what extent is a child fundamentally different from the adult he grows up to be?

These are the types of questions developmental psychologists try to answer, by studying how humans change and grow from conception through childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and death. They view development as a lifelong process that can be studied scientifically across three developmental domains—physical, cognitive, and psychosocial development. Physical development involves growth and changes in the body and brain, the senses, motor skills, and health and wellness. Cognitive development involves learning, attention, memory, language, thinking, reasoning, and creativity. Psychosocial development involves emotions, personality, and social relationships. We refer to these domains throughout the module.

Connect the Concepts: Research Methods in Developmental Psychology

You’ve learned about a variety of research methods used by psychologists. Developmental psychologists use many of these approaches in order to better understand how individuals change mentally and physically over time. These methods include naturalistic observations, case studies, surveys, and experiments, among others.

Naturalistic observations involve observing behavior in its natural context. A developmental psychologist might observe how children behave on a playground, at a daycare center, or in the child’s own home. While this research approach provides a glimpse into how children behave in their natural settings, researchers have very little control over the types and/or frequencies of displayed behavior.

In a case study, developmental psychologists collect a great deal of information from one individual in order to better understand physical and psychological changes over the lifespan. This particular approach is an excellent way to better understand individuals, who are exceptional in some way, but it is especially prone to researcher bias in interpretation, and it is difficult to generalize conclusions to the larger population.

In one classic example of this research method being applied to a study of lifespan development Sigmund Freud analyzed the development of a child known as “Little Hans” (Freud, 1909/1949). Freud’s findings helped inform his theories of psychosexual development in children, which you will learn about later in this module. Little Genie, the subject of a case study discussed in the module on thinking and intelligence, provides another example of how psychologists examine developmental milestones through detailed research on a single individual. In Genie’s case, her neglectful and abusive upbringing led to her being unable to speak until, at age 13, she was removed from that harmful environment. As she learned to use language, psychologists were able to compare how her language acquisition abilities differed when occurring in her late-stage development compared to the typical acquisition of those skills during the ages of infancy through early childhood (Fromkin, Krashen, Curtiss, Rigler, & Rigler, 1974; Curtiss, 1981).

The survey method asks individuals to self-report important information about their thoughts, experiences, and beliefs. This particular method can provide large amounts of information in relatively short amounts of time; however, validity of data collected in this way relies on honest self-reporting, and the data is relatively shallow when compared to the depth of information collected in a case study.

Experiments involve significant control over extraneous variables and manipulation of the independent variable. As such, experimental research allows developmental psychologists to make causal statements about certain variables that are important for the developmental process. Because experimental research must occur in a controlled environment, researchers must be cautious about whether behaviors observed in the laboratory translate to an individual’s natural environment.

Later in this chapter, you will learn about several experiments in which toddlers and young children observe scenes or actions so that researchers can determine at what age specific cognitive abilities develop. For example, children may observe a quantity of liquid poured from a short, fat glass into a tall, skinny glass. As the experimenters question the children about what occurred, the subjects’ answers help psychologists understand at what age a child begins to comprehend that the volume of liquid remained the same although the shapes of the containers differs.

Across these three domains—physical, cognitive, and psychosocial—the normative approach to development is also discussed. This approach asks, “What is normal development?” In the early decades of the 20th century, normative psychologists studied large numbers of children at various ages to determine norms (i.e., average ages) of when most children reach specific developmental milestones in each of the three domains (Gesell, 1933, 1939, 1940; Gesell & Ilg, 1946; Hall, 1904). Although children develop at slightly different rates, we can use these age-related averages as general guidelines to compare children with same-age peers to determine the approximate ages they should reach specific normative events called developmental milestones  (e.g., crawling, walking, writing, dressing, naming colors, speaking in sentences, and starting puberty).

Not all normative events are universal, meaning they are not experienced by all individuals across all cultures. Biological milestones, such as puberty, tend to be universal, but social milestones, such as the age when children begin formal schooling, are not necessarily universal; instead, they affect most individuals in a particular culture (Gesell & Ilg, 1946). For example, in developed countries children begin school around 5 or 6 years old, but in developing countries, like Nigeria, children often enter school at an advanced age, if at all (Huebler, 2005; United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization [UNESCO], 2013).

To better understand the normative approach, imagine two new mothers, Louisa and Kimberly, who are close friends and have children around the same age. Louisa’s daughter is 14 months old, and Kimberly’s son is 12 months old. According to the normative approach, the average age a child starts to walk is 12 months. However, at 14 months Louisa’s daughter still isn’t walking. She tells Kimberly she is worried that something might be wrong with her baby. Kimberly is surprised because her son started walking when he was only 10 months old. Should Louisa be worried? Should she be concerned if her daughter is not walking by 15 months or 18 months?

Link to Learning

Issues in developmental psychology, is development continuous or discontinuous.

Continuous development views development as a cumulative process, gradually improving on existing skills (Figure 2). With this type of development, there is gradual change. Consider, for example, a child’s physical growth: adding inches to her height year by year. In contrast, theorists who view development as discontinuous  believe that development takes place in unique stages: It occurs at specific times or ages. With this type of development, the change is more sudden, such as an infant’s ability to conceive object permanence.

Is There One Course of Development or Many?

Is development essentially the same, or universal, for all children (i.e., there is one course of development) or does development follow a different course for each child, depending on the child’s specific genetics and environment (i.e., there are many courses of development)? Do people across the world share more similarities or more differences in their development? How much do culture and genetics influence a child’s behavior?

Stage theories hold that the sequence of development is universal. For example, in cross-cultural studies of language development, children from around the world reach language milestones in a similar sequence (Gleitman & Newport, 1995). Infants in all cultures coo before they babble. They begin babbling at about the same age and utter their first word around 12 months old. Yet we live in diverse contexts that have a unique effect on each of us. For example, researchers once believed that motor development follows one course for all children regardless of culture. However, child care practices vary by culture, and different practices have been found to accelerate or inhibit achievement of developmental milestones such as sitting, crawling, and walking (Karasik, Adolph, Tamis-LeMonda, & Bornstein, 2010).

For instance, let’s look at the Aché society in Paraguay. They spend a significant amount of time foraging in forests. While foraging, Aché mothers carry their young children, rarely putting them down in order to protect them from getting hurt in the forest. Consequently, their children walk much later: They walk around 23–25 months old, in comparison to infants in Western cultures who begin to walk around 12 months old. However, as Aché children become older, they are allowed more freedom to move about, and by about age 9, their motor skills surpass those of U.S. children of the same age: Aché children are able to climb trees up to 25 feet tall and use machetes to chop their way through the forest (Kaplan & Dove, 1987). As you can see, our development is influenced by multiple contexts, so the timing of basic motor functions may vary across cultures. However, the functions themselves are present in all societies (Figure 3).

How Do Nature and Nurture Influence Development?

Are we who we are because of nature (biology and genetics), or are we who we are because of nurture (our environment and culture)? This longstanding question is known in psychology as the nature versus nurture debate. It seeks to understand how our personalities and traits are the product of our genetic makeup and biological factors, and how they are shaped by our environment, including our parents, peers, and culture. For instance, why do biological children sometimes act like their parents—is it because of genetics or because of early childhood environment and what the child has learned from the parents? What about children who are adopted—are they more like their biological families or more like their adoptive families? And how can siblings from the same family be so different?

We are all born with specific genetic traits inherited from our parents, such as eye color, height, and certain personality traits. Beyond our basic genotype, however, there is a deep interaction between our genes and our environment: Our unique experiences in our environment influence whether and how particular traits are expressed, and at the same time, our genes influence how we interact with our environment (Diamond, 2009; Lobo, 2008). This module will show that there is a reciprocal interaction between nature and nurture as they both shape who we become, but the debate continues as to the relative contributions of each.

Dig Deeper: The Achievement Gap: How Does Socioeconomic Status Affect Development?

The achievement gap refers to the persistent difference in grades, test scores, and graduation rates that exist among students of different ethnicities, races, and—in certain subjects—sexes (Winerman, 2011). Research suggests that these achievement gaps are strongly influenced by differences in socioeconomic factors that exist among the families of these children. While the researchers acknowledge that programs aimed at reducing such socioeconomic discrepancies would likely aid in equalizing the aptitude and performance of children from different backgrounds, they recognize that such large-scale interventions would be difficult to achieve. Therefore, it is recommended that programs aimed at fostering aptitude and achievement among disadvantaged children may be the best option for dealing with issues related to academic achievement gaps (Duncan & Magnuson, 2005).

Low-income children perform significantly more poorly than their middle- and high-income peers on a number of educational variables: They have significantly lower standardized test scores, graduation rates, and college entrance rates, and they have much higher school dropout rates. There have been attempts to correct the achievement gap through state and federal legislation, but what if the problems start before the children even enter school?

Psychologists Betty Hart and Todd Risley (2006) spent their careers looking at early language ability and progression of children in various income levels. In one longitudinal study, they found that although all the parents in the study engaged and interacted with their children, middle- and high-income parents interacted with their children differently than low-income parents. After analyzing 1,300 hours of parent-child interactions, the researchers found that middle- and high-income parents talk to their children significantly more, starting when the children are infants. By 3 years old, high-income children knew almost double the number of words known by their low-income counterparts, and they had heard an estimated total of 30 million more words than the low-income counterparts (Hart & Risley, 2003). And the gaps only become more pronounced. Before entering kindergarten, high-income children score 60% higher on achievement tests than their low-income peers (Lee & Burkam, 2002).

There are solutions to this problem. At the University of Chicago, experts are working with low-income families, visiting them at their homes, and encouraging them to speak more to their children on a daily and hourly basis. Other experts are designing preschools in which students from diverse economic backgrounds are placed in the same classroom. In this research, low-income children made significant gains in their language development, likely as a result of attending the specialized preschool (Schechter & Byeb, 2007). What other methods or interventions could be used to decrease the achievement gap? What types of activities could be implemented to help the children of your community or a neighboring community?

Think It Over

• How are you different today from the person you were at 6 years old? What about at 16 years old? How are you the same as the person you were at those ages?
• Your 3-year-old daughter is not yet potty trained. Based on what you know about the normative approach, should you be concerned? Why or why not?

Lifespan Theories

• Define Freud’s theory of psychosexual development
• Describe the major tasks of child and adult psychosocial development according to Erikson
• Discuss Piaget’s view of cognitive development and apply the stages to understanding childhood cognition
• Describe Kohlberg’s theory of moral development
• Compare and contrast the strengths and weaknesses of major developmental theories

Psychosexual Theory of Development

Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) believed that personality develops during early childhood. For Freud, childhood experiences shape our personalities and behavior as adults. Freud viewed development as discontinuous; he believed that each of us must pass through a serious of stages during childhood, and that if we lack proper nurturance and parenting during a stage, we may become stuck, or fixated, in that stage. Freud’s stages are called the stages of psychosexual development . According to Freud, children’s pleasure-seeking urges are focused on a different area of the body, called an erogenous zone, at each of the five stages of development: oral, anal, phallic, latency, and genital.

While most of Freud’s ideas have not found support in modern research, we cannot discount the contributions that Freud has made to the field of psychology. Psychologists today dispute Freud’s psychosexual stages as a legitimate explanation for how one’s personality develops, but what we can take away from Freud’s theory is that personality is shaped, in some part, by experiences we have in childhood. These stages are discussed in detail in the personality chapter in OpenStax .

Psychosocial Theory of Development

Erik Erikson (1902–1994) (Figure 4), another stage theorist, took Freud’s theory and modified it as psychosocial theory. Erikson’s psychosocial development  emphasizes the social nature of our development rather than its sexual nature. While Freud believed that personality is shaped only in childhood, Erikson proposed that personality development takes place all through the lifespan. Erikson suggested that how we interact with others is what affects our sense of self, or what he called the ego identity.

Erikson proposed that we are motivated by a need to achieve competence in certain areas of our lives. According to psychosocial theory, we experience eight stages of development over our lifespan, from infancy through late adulthood. At each stage there is a conflict, or task, that we need to resolve. Successful completion of each developmental task results in a sense of competence and a healthy personality. Failure to master these tasks leads to feelings of inadequacy.

According to Erikson (1963), trust is the basis of our development during infancy (birth to 12 months). Therefore, the primary task of this stage is trust versus mistrust. Infants are dependent upon their caregivers, so caregivers who are responsive and sensitive to their infant’s needs help their baby to develop a sense of trust; their baby will see the world as a safe, predictable place. Unresponsive caregivers who do not meet their baby’s needs can engender feelings of anxiety, fear, and mistrust; their baby may see the world as unpredictable.

As toddlers (ages 1–3 years) begin to explore their world, they learn that they can control their actions and act on the environment to get results. They begin to show clear preferences for certain elements of the environment, such as food, toys, and clothing. A toddler’s main task is to resolve the issue of autonomy versus shame and doubt, by working to establish independence. This is the “me do it” stage. For example, we might observe a budding sense of autonomy in a 2-year-old child who wants to choose her clothes and dress herself. Although her outfits might not be appropriate for the situation, her input in such basic decisions has an effect on her sense of independence. If denied the opportunity to act on her environment, she may begin to doubt her abilities, which could lead to low self-esteem and feelings of shame.

Once children reach the preschool stage (ages 3–6 years), they are capable of initiating activities and asserting control over their world through social interactions and play. According to Erikson, preschool children must resolve the task of initiative versus guilt. By learning to plan and achieve goals while interacting with others, preschool children can master this task. Those who do will develop self-confidence and feel a sense of purpose. Those who are unsuccessful at this stage—with their initiative misfiring or stifled—may develop feelings of guilt. How might over-controlling parents stifle a child’s initiative?

During the elementary school stage (ages 6–12), children face the task of industry versus inferiority. Children begin to compare themselves to their peers to see how they measure up. They either develop a sense of pride and accomplishment in their schoolwork, sports, social activities, and family life, or they feel inferior and inadequate when they don’t measure up. What are some things parents and teachers can do to help children develop a sense of competence and a belief in themselves and their abilities?

In adolescence (ages 12–18), children face the task of identity versus role confusion. According to Erikson, an adolescent’s main task is developing a sense of self. Adolescents struggle with questions such as “Who am I?” and “What do I want to do with my life?” Along the way, most adolescents try on many different selves to see which ones fit. Adolescents who are successful at this stage have a strong sense of identity and are able to remain true to their beliefs and values in the face of problems and other people’s perspectives. What happens to apathetic adolescents, who do not make a conscious search for identity, or those who are pressured to conform to their parents’ ideas for the future? These teens will have a weak sense of self and experience role confusion. They are unsure of their identity and confused about the future.

People in early adulthood (i.e., 20s through early 40s) are concerned with intimacy versus isolation. After we have developed a sense of self in adolescence, we are ready to share our life with others. Erikson said that we must have a strong sense of self before developing intimate relationships with others. Adults who do not develop a positive self-concept in adolescence may experience feelings of loneliness and emotional isolation.

When people reach their 40s, they enter the time known as middle adulthood, which extends to the mid-60s. The social task of middle adulthood is generativity versus stagnation. Generativity involves finding your life’s work and contributing to the development of others, through activities such as volunteering, mentoring, and raising children. Those who do not master this task may experience stagnation, having little connection with others and little interest in productivity and self-improvement.

From the mid-60s to the end of life, we are in the period of development known as late adulthood. Erikson’s task at this stage is called integrity versus despair. He said that people in late adulthood reflect on their lives and feel either a sense of satisfaction or a sense of failure. People who feel proud of their accomplishments feel a sense of integrity, and they can look back on their lives with few regrets. However, people who are not successful at this stage may feel as if their life has been wasted. They focus on what “would have,” “should have,” and “could have” been. They face the end of their lives with feelings of bitterness, depression, and despair. Table 1 summarizes the stages of Erikson’s theory.

Cognitive Theory of Development

Jean Piaget (1896–1980) is another stage theorist who studied childhood development (Figure 5). Instead of approaching development from a psychoanalytical or psychosocial perspective, Piaget focused on children’s cognitive growth. He believed that thinking is a central aspect of development and that children are naturally inquisitive. However, he said that children do not think and reason like adults (Piaget, 1930, 1932). His theory of cognitive development holds that our cognitive abilities develop through specific stages, which exemplifies the discontinuity approach to development. As we progress to a new stage, there is a distinct shift in how we think and reason.

Piaget said that children develop schemata, sometimes called schemas, to help them understand the world. Schemata  are concepts (mental models) that are used to help us categorize and interpret information. By the time children have reached adulthood, they have created schemata for almost everything. When children learn new information, they adjust their schemata through two processes: assimilation and accommodation. First, they assimilate new information or experiences in terms of their current schemata: assimilation is when they take in information that is comparable to what they already know. Accommodation  describes when they change their schemata based on new information. This process continues as children interact with their environment.

For example, 2-year-old Blake learned the schema for dogs because his family has a Labrador retriever. When Blake sees other dogs in his picture books, he says, “Look mommy, dog!” Thus, he has assimilated them into his schema for dogs. One day, Blake sees a sheep for the first time and says, “Look mommy, dog!” Having a basic schema that a dog is an animal with four legs and fur, Blake thinks all furry, four-legged creatures are dogs. When Blake’s mom tells him that the animal he sees is a sheep, not a dog, Blake must accommodate his schema for dogs to include more information based on his new experiences. Blake’s schema for dog was too broad, since not all furry, four-legged creatures are dogs. He now modifies his schema for dogs and forms a new one for sheep.

Like Freud and Erikson, Piaget thought development unfolds in a series of stages approximately associated with age ranges. He proposed a theory of cognitive development that unfolds in four stages: sensorimotor, preoperational, concrete operational, and formal operational.

The first stage is the sensorimotor stage, which lasts from birth to about 2 years old. During this stage, children learn about the world through their senses and motor behavior. Young children put objects in their mouths to see if the items are edible, and once they can grasp objects, they may shake or bang them to see if they make sounds. Between 5 and 8 months old, the child develops object permanence , which is the understanding that even if something is out of sight, it still exists (Bogartz, Shinskey, & Schilling, 2000). According to Piaget, young infants do not remember an object after it has been removed from sight. Piaget studied infants’ reactions when a toy was first shown to an infant and then hidden under a blanket. Infants who had already developed object permanence would reach for the hidden toy, indicating that they knew it still existed, whereas infants who had not developed object permanence would appear confused.

Please take a few minutes to view this brief video demonstrating different children’s ability to understand object permanence:

You can view the transcript for “Piaget – Stage 1 – Sensorimotor Stage : Object Permanence” here (opens in new window) .

In Piaget’s view, around the same time children develop object permanence, they also begin to exhibit stranger anxiety, which is a fear of unfamiliar people. Babies may demonstrate this by crying and turning away from a stranger, by clinging to a caregiver, or by attempting to reach their arms toward familiar faces such as parents. Stranger anxiety results when a child is unable to assimilate the stranger into an existing schema; therefore, she can’t predict what her experience with that stranger will be like, which results in a fear response.

Piaget’s second stage is the preoperational stage , which is from approximately 2 to 7 years old. In this stage, children can use symbols to represent words, images, and ideas, which is why children in this stage engage in pretend play. A child’s arms might become airplane wings as he zooms around the room, or a child with a stick might become a brave knight with a sword. Children also begin to use language in the preoperational stage, but they cannot understand adult logic or mentally manipulate information (the term operational refers to logical manipulation of information, so children at this stage are considered to be pre -operational). Children’s logic is based on their own personal knowledge of the world so far, rather than on conventional knowledge. For example, dad gave a slice of pizza to 10-year-old Keiko and another slice to her 3-year-old brother, Kenny. Kenny’s pizza slice was cut into five pieces, so Kenny told his sister that he got more pizza than she did. Children in this stage cannot perform mental operations because they have not developed an understanding of conservation , which is the idea that even if you change the appearance of something, it is still equal in size as long as nothing has been removed or added.

This video shows a 4.5-year-old boy in the preoperational stage as he responds to Piaget’s conservation tasks.

You can view the transcript for “A typical child on Piaget’s conservation tasks” here (opens in new window) .

During this stage, we also expect children to display egocentrism , which means that the child is not able to take the perspective of others. A child at this stage thinks that everyone sees, thinks, and feels just as they do. Let’s look at Kenny and Keiko again. Keiko’s birthday is coming up, so their mom takes Kenny to the toy store to choose a present for his sister. He selects an Iron Man action figure for her, thinking that if he likes the toy, his sister will too. An egocentric child is not able to infer the perspective of other people and instead attributes his own perspective. At some point during this stage and typically between 3 and 5 years old, children come to understand that people have thoughts, feelings, and beliefs that are different from their own. This is known as theory-of-mind  (TOM).

Piaget developed the Three-Mountain Task to determine the level of egocentrism displayed by children. Children view a 3-dimensional mountain scene from one viewpoint, and are asked what another person at a different viewpoint would see in the same scene. Watch the Three-Mountain Task in action in this short video from the University of Minnesota and the Science Museum of Minnesota.

You can view the transcript for “Piaget’s Mountains Task” here (opens in new window) .

Piaget’s third stage is the concrete operational stage , which occurs from about 7 to 11 years old. In this stage, children can think logically about real (concrete) events; they have a firm grasp on the use of numbers and start to employ memory strategies. They can perform mathematical operations and understand transformations, such as addition is the opposite of subtraction, and multiplication is the opposite of division. In this stage, children also master the concept of conservation: Even if something changes shape, its mass, volume, and number stay the same. For example, if you pour water from a tall, thin glass to a short, fat glass, you still have the same amount of water. Remember Keiko and Kenny and the pizza? How did Keiko know that Kenny was wrong when he said that he had more pizza?

Children in the concrete operational stage also understand the principle of reversibility , which means that objects can be changed and then returned back to their original form or condition. Take, for example, water that you poured into the short, fat glass: You can pour water from the fat glass back to the thin glass and still have the same amount (minus a couple of drops).

The fourth, and last, stage in Piaget’s theory is the formal operational stage , which is from about age 11 to adulthood. Whereas children in the concrete operational stage are able to think logically only about concrete events, children in the formal operational stage can also deal with abstract ideas and hypothetical situations. Children in this stage can use abstract thinking to problem solve, look at alternative solutions, and test these solutions. In adolescence, a renewed egocentrism occurs. For example, a 15-year-old with a very small pimple on her face might think it is huge and incredibly visible, under the mistaken impression that others must share her perceptions.

Beyond Formal Operational Thought

As with other major contributors of theories of development, several of Piaget’s ideas have come under criticism based on the results of further research. For example, several contemporary studies support a model of development that is more continuous than Piaget’s discrete stages (Courage & Howe, 2002; Siegler, 2005, 2006). Many others suggest that children reach cognitive milestones earlier than Piaget describes (Baillargeon, 2004; de Hevia & Spelke, 2010).

According to Piaget, the highest level of cognitive development is formal operational thought, which develops between 11 and 20 years old. However, many developmental psychologists disagree with Piaget, suggesting a fifth stage of cognitive development, known as the postformal stage (Basseches, 1984; Commons & Bresette, 2006; Sinnott, 1998). In postformal thinking, decisions are made based on situations and circumstances, and logic is integrated with emotion as adults develop principles that depend on contexts. One way that we can see the difference between an adult in postformal thought and an adolescent in formal operations is in terms of how they handle emotionally charged issues.

It seems that once we reach adulthood our problem solving abilities change: As we attempt to solve problems, we tend to think more deeply about many areas of our lives, such as relationships, work, and politics (Labouvie-Vief & Diehl, 1999). Because of this, postformal thinkers are able to draw on past experiences to help them solve new problems. Problem-solving strategies using postformal thought vary, depending on the situation. What does this mean? Adults can recognize, for example, that what seems to be an ideal solution to a problem at work involving a disagreement with a colleague may not be the best solution to a disagreement with a significant other.

Explain how you would use your understanding of one of the major developmental theories (psychosexual, psychosocial, or cognitive) to deal with each of the difficulties listed below:

• Your infant daughter puts everything in her mouth, including the dog’s food.
• Your eight-year-old son is failing math; all he cares about is baseball.
• Your two-year-old daughter refuses to wear the clothes you pick for her every morning, which makes getting dressed a twenty-minute battle.
• Your sixty-eight-year-old neighbor is chronically depressed and feels she has wasted her life.
• Your 18-year-old daughter has decided not to go to college. Instead she’s moving to Colorado to become a ski instructor.
• Your 11-year-old son is the class bully.

Theory of Moral Development

A major task beginning in childhood and continuing into adolescence is discerning right from wrong. Psychologist Lawrence Kohlberg (1927–1987) extended upon the foundation that Piaget built regarding cognitive development. Kohlberg believed that moral development, like cognitive development, follows a series of stages. To develop this theory, Kohlberg posed moral dilemmas to people of all ages, and then he analyzed their answers to find evidence of their particular stage of moral development. Before reading about the stages, take a minute to consider how you would answer one of Kohlberg’s best-known moral dilemmas, commonly known as the Heinz dilemma:

In Europe, a woman was near death from a special kind of cancer. There was one drug that the doctors thought might save her. It was a form of radium that a druggist in the same town had recently discovered. The drug was expensive to make, but the druggist was charging ten times what the drug cost him to make. He paid $200 for the radium and charged $2,000 for a small dose of the drug. The sick woman’s husband, Heinz, went to everyone he knew to borrow the money, but he could only get together about $1,000, which is half of what it cost. He told the druggist that his wife was dying and asked him to sell it cheaper or let him pay later. But the druggist said: “No, I discovered the drug and I’m going to make money from it.” So Heinz got desperate and broke into the man’s store to steal the drug for his wife. Should the husband have done that? (Kohlberg, 1969, p. 379)

How would you answer this dilemma? Kohlberg was not interested in whether you answer yes or no to the dilemma: Instead, he was interested in the reasoning behind your answer.

After presenting people with this and various other moral dilemmas, Kohlberg reviewed people’s responses and placed them in different [pb_glossary id="2815"]stages of moral reasoning (Figure 6). According to Kohlberg, an individual progresses from the capacity for pre-conventional morality (before age 9) to the capacity for conventional morality (early adolescence), and toward attaining post-conventional morality (once formal operational thought is attained), which only a few fully achieve. Kohlberg placed in the highest stage responses that reflected the reasoning that Heinz should steal the drug because his wife’s life is more important than the pharmacist making money. The value of a human life overrides the pharmacist’s greed.

It is important to realize that even those people who have the most sophisticated, post-conventional reasons for some choices may make other choices for the simplest of pre-conventional reasons. Many psychologists agree with Kohlberg's theory of moral development but point out that moral reasoning is very different from moral behavior. Sometimes what we say we would do in a situation is not what we actually do in that situation. In other words, we might “talk the talk,” but not “walk the walk.”

How does this theory apply to males and females? Kohlberg (1969) felt that more males than females move past stage four in their moral development. He went on to note that women seem to be deficient in their moral reasoning abilities. These ideas were not well received by Carol Gilligan, a research assistant of Kohlberg, who consequently developed her own ideas of moral development. In her groundbreaking book, In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women’s Development , Gilligan (1982) criticized her former mentor’s theory because it was based only on upper class white men and boys. She argued that women are not deficient in their moral reasoning—she proposed that males and females reason differently. Girls and women focus more on staying connected and the importance of interpersonal relationships. Therefore, in the Heinz dilemma, many girls and women respond that Heinz should not steal the medicine. Their reasoning is that if he steals the medicine, is arrested, and is put in jail, then he and his wife will be separated, and she could die while he is still in prison.

Development in Childhood

Think about the miraculous development that occurs during childhood in order for a tiny zygote to grow into a walking, talking, thinking child. Newborn infants only weigh about 7.5 pounds but their physical, cognitive, and psychosocial skills grow and change as they move through developmental stages. In this section, you'll learn about many of these changes.

• Describe the stages of prenatal development and the significance of prenatal care
• Define and differentiate between various infant reflexes
• Explain the physical, cognitive, and emotional development that occurs from infancy through childhood

Prenatal Development

As discussed at the beginning of this chapter, developmental psychologists often divide our development into three areas: physical development, cognitive development, and psychosocial development. Mirroring Erikson’s stages, lifespan development is divided into different stages that are based on age. We will discuss prenatal, infant, child, adolescent, and adult development.

Germinal Stage (Weeks 1–2)

In the discussion of biopsychology earlier in the book, you learned about genetics and DNA. A mother and father’s DNA is passed on to the child at the moment of conception. Conception occurs when sperm fertilizes an egg and forms a zygote (Figure 7). A zygote begins as a one-cell structure that is created when a sperm and egg merge. The genetic makeup and sex of the baby are set at this point. During the first week after conception, the zygote divides and multiplies, going from a one-cell structure to two cells, then four cells, then eight cells, and so on. This process of cell division is called mitosis. Mitosis  is a fragile process, and fewer than one-half of all zygotes survive beyond the first two weeks (Hall, 2004). After 5 days of mitosis there are 100 cells, and after 9 months there are billions of cells. As the cells divide, they become more specialized, forming different organs and body parts. In the germinal stage, the mass of cells has yet to attach itself to the lining of the mother’s uterus. Once it does, the next stage begins.

Embryonic Stage (Weeks 3–8)

After the zygote divides for about 7–10 days and has 150 cells, it travels down the fallopian tubes and implants itself in the lining of the uterus. Upon implantation, this multi-cellular organism is called an embryo . Now blood vessels grow, forming the placenta. The placenta  is a structure connected to the uterus that provides nourishment and oxygen from the mother to the developing embryo via the umbilical cord. Basic structures of the embryo start to develop into areas that will become the head, chest, and abdomen. During the embryonic stage, the heart begins to beat and organs form and begin to function. The neural tube forms along the back of the embryo, developing into the spinal cord and brain.

Fetal Stage (Weeks 9–40)

When the organism is about nine weeks old, the embryo is called a fetus. At this stage, the fetus is about the size of a kidney bean and begins to take on the recognizable form of a human being as the “tail” begins to disappear.

From 9–12 weeks, the sex organs begin to differentiate. At about 16 weeks, the fetus is approximately 4.5 inches long. Fingers and toes are fully developed, and fingerprints are visible. By the time the fetus reaches the sixth month of development (24 weeks), it weighs up to 1.4 pounds. Hearing has developed, so the fetus can respond to sounds. The internal organs, such as the lungs, heart, stomach, and intestines, have formed enough that a fetus born prematurely at this point has a chance to survive outside of the mother’s womb. Throughout the fetal stage the brain continues to grow and develop, nearly doubling in size from weeks 16 to 28. Around 36 weeks, the fetus is almost ready for birth. It weighs about 6 pounds and is about 18.5 inches long, and by week 37 all of the fetus’s organ systems are developed enough that it could survive outside the mother’s uterus without many of the risks associated with premature birth. The fetus continues to gain weight and grow in length until approximately 40 weeks. By then, the fetus has very little room to move around and birth becomes imminent. The progression through the stages is shown in Figure 8.

Prenatal Influences

During each prenatal stage, genetic and environmental factors can affect development. The developing fetus is completely dependent on the mother for life. It is important that the mother takes good care of herself and receives prenatal care , which is medical care during pregnancy that monitors the health of both the mother and the fetus. According to the National Institutes of Health ([NIH], 2013), routine prenatal care is important because it can reduce the risk of complications to the mother and fetus during pregnancy. In fact, women who are trying to become pregnant or who may become pregnant should discuss pregnancy planning with their doctor. They may be advised, for example, to take a vitamin containing folic acid, which helps prevent certain birth defects, or to monitor aspects of their diet or exercise routines.

Recall that when the zygote attaches to the wall of the mother’s uterus, the placenta is formed. The placenta provides nourishment and oxygen to the fetus. Most everything the mother ingests, including food, liquid, and even medication, travels through the placenta to the fetus, hence the common phrase “eating for two.” Anything the mother is exposed to in the environment affects the fetus; if the mother is exposed to something harmful, the child can show life-long effects.

A teratogen is any environmental agent—biological, chemical, or physical—that causes damage to the developing embryo or fetus. There are different types of teratogens. Alcohol and most drugs cross the placenta and affect the fetus. Alcohol is not safe to drink in any amount during pregnancy. Alcohol use during pregnancy has been found to be the leading preventable cause of mental retardation in children in the United States (Maier & West, 2001). Excessive maternal drinking while pregnant can cause fetal alcohol spectrum disorders with life-long consequences for the child ranging in severity from minor to major (Table 3). Fetal alcohol spectrum disorders (FASD) are a collection of birth defects associated with heavy consumption of alcohol during pregnancy. Physically, children with FASD may have a small head size and abnormal facial features. Cognitively, these children may have poor judgment, poor impulse control, higher rates of ADHD, learning issues, and lower IQ scores. These developmental problems and delays persist into adulthood (Streissguth et al., 2004). Based on studies conducted on animals, it also has been suggested that a mother’s alcohol consumption during pregnancy may predispose her child to like alcohol (Youngentob et al., 2007).

Smoking is also considered a teratogen because nicotine travels through the placenta to the fetus. When the mother smokes, the developing baby experiences a reduction in blood oxygen levels. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2013), smoking while pregnant can result in premature birth, low-birth-weight infants, stillbirth, and sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS).

Heroin, cocaine, methamphetamine, almost all prescription medicines, and most over-the counter medications are also considered teratogens. Babies born with a heroin addiction need heroin just like an adult addict. The child will need to be gradually weaned from the heroin under medical supervision; otherwise, the child could have seizures and die. Other teratogens include radiation, viruses such as HIV and herpes, and rubella (German measles). Women in the United States are much less likely to be afflicted with rubella because most women received childhood immunizations or vaccinations that protect the body from disease.

Each organ of the fetus develops during a specific period in the pregnancy, called the critical or sensitive period (Figure 9). For example, research with primate models of FASD has demonstrated that the time during which a developing fetus is exposed to alcohol can dramatically affect the appearance of facial characteristics associated with fetal alcohol syndrome. Specifically, this research suggests that alcohol exposure that is limited to day 19 or 20 of gestation can lead to significant facial abnormalities in the offspring (Ashley, Magnuson, Omnell, & Clarren, 1999). Given regions of the brain also show sensitive periods during which they are most susceptible to the teratogenic effects of alcohol (Tran & Kelly, 2003).

Dig Deeper:  Should Women Who Use Drugs During Pregnancy Be Arrested and Jailed?

As you now know, women who use drugs or alcohol during pregnancy can cause serious lifelong harm to their child. Some people have advocated mandatory screenings for women who are pregnant and have a history of drug abuse, and if the women continue using, to arrest, prosecute, and incarcerate them (Figdor & Kaeser, 1998). This policy was tried in Charleston, South Carolina, as recently as 20 years ago. The policy was called the Interagency Policy on Management of Substance Abuse During Pregnancy, and had disastrous results.

The Interagency Policy applied to patients attending the obstetrics clinic at MUSC, which primarily serves patients who are indigent or on Medicaid. It did not apply to private obstetrical patients. The policy required patient education about the harmful effects of substance abuse during pregnancy. . . . [A] statement also warned patients that protection of unborn and newborn children from the harms of illegal drug abuse could involve the Charleston police, the Solicitor of the Ninth Judicial Court, and the Protective Services Division of the Department of Social Services (DSS). (Jos, Marshall, & Perlmutter, 1995, pp. 120–121)

This policy seemed to deter women from seeking prenatal care, deterred them from seeking other social services, and was applied solely to low-income women, resulting in lawsuits. The program was canceled after 5 years, during which 42 women were arrested. A federal agency later determined that the program involved human experimentation without the approval and oversight of an institutional review board (IRB). What were the flaws in the program and how would you correct them? What are the ethical implications of charging pregnant women with child abuse?

Infancy through Childhood

The average newborn weighs approximately 7.5 pounds. Although small, a newborn is not completely helpless because his reflexes and sensory capacities help him interact with the environment from the moment of birth. All healthy babies are born with newborn reflexes : inborn automatic responses to particular forms of stimulation. Reflexes help the newborn survive until it is capable of more complex behaviors—these reflexes are crucial to survival. They are present in babies whose brains are developing normally and usually disappear around 4–5 months old. Let’s take a look at some of these newborn reflexes. The rooting reflex is the newborn’s response to anything that touches her cheek: When you stroke a baby’s cheek, she naturally turns her head in that direction and begins to suck. The sucking reflex is the automatic, unlearned, sucking motions that infants do with their mouths. Several other interesting newborn reflexes can be observed. For instance, if you put your finger into a newborn’s hand, you will witness the grasping reflex , in which a baby automatically grasps anything that touches his palms. The Moro reflex is the newborn’s response when she feels like she is falling. The baby spreads her arms, pulls them back in, and then (usually) cries. How do you think these reflexes promote survival in the first months of life?

Take a few minutes to view this brief video clip illustrating several newborn reflexes .

If you are interested in learning more about human development in babies, watch  this TED talk by Alison Gopnik . Recent discoveries reveal that babies are probably smarter than we think.

What can young infants see, hear, and smell? Newborn infants’ sensory abilities are significant, but their senses are not yet fully developed. Many of a newborn’s innate preferences facilitate interaction with caregivers and other humans. Although vision is their least developed sense, newborns already show a preference for faces. Babies who are just a few days old also prefer human voices, they will listen to voices longer than sounds that do not involve speech (Vouloumanos & Werker, 2004), and they seem to prefer their mother’s voice over a stranger’s voice (Mills & Melhuish, 1974). In an interesting experiment, 3-week-old babies were given pacifiers that played a recording of the infant’s mother’s voice and of a stranger’s voice. When the infants heard their mother’s voice, they sucked more strongly at the pacifier (Mills & Melhuish, 1974). Newborns also have a strong sense of smell. For instance, newborn babies can distinguish the smell of their own mother from that of others. In a study by MacFarlane (1978), 1-week-old babies who were being breastfed were placed between two gauze pads. One gauze pad was from the bra of a nursing mother who was a stranger, and the other gauze pad was from the bra of the infant’s own mother. More than two-thirds of the week-old babies turned toward the gauze pad with their mother’s scent.

Physical Development

In infancy, toddlerhood, and early childhood, the body’s physical development is rapid (Figure 10). On average, newborns weigh between 5 and 10 pounds, and a newborn’s weight typically doubles in six months and triples in one year. By 2 years old the weight will have quadrupled, so we can expect that a 2 year old should weigh between 20 and 40 pounds. The average length of a newborn is 19.5 inches, increasing to 29.5 inches by 12 months and 34.4 inches by 2 years old (WHO Multicentre Growth Reference Study Group, 2006).

During infancy and childhood, growth does not occur at a steady rate (Carel, Lahlou, Roger, & Chaussain, 2004). Growth slows between 4 and 6 years old: During this time children gain 5–7 pounds and grow about 2–3 inches per year. Once girls reach 8–9 years old, their growth rate outpaces that of boys due to a pubertal growth spurt. This growth spurt continues until around 12 years old, coinciding with the start of the menstrual cycle. By 10 years old, the average girl weighs 88 pounds, and the average boy weighs 85 pounds.

We are born with all of the brain cells that we will ever have—about 100–200 billion neurons (nerve cells) whose function is to store and transmit information (Huttenlocher & Dabholkar, 1997). However, the nervous system continues to grow and develop. Each neural pathway forms thousands of new connections during infancy and toddlerhood. This period of rapid neural growth is called blooming. Neural pathways continue to develop through puberty. The blooming period of neural growth is then followed by a period of pruning, where neural connections are reduced. It is thought that pruning causes the brain to function more efficiently, allowing for mastery of more complex skills (Hutchinson, 2011). Blooming occurs during the first few years of life, and pruning continues through childhood and into adolescence in various areas of the brain.

The size of our brains increases rapidly. For example, the brain of a 2-year-old is 55% of its adult size, and by 6 years old the brain is about 90% of its adult size (Tanner, 1978). During early childhood (ages 3–6), the frontal lobes grow rapidly. Recalling our discussion of the 4 lobes of the brain earlier in this book, the frontal lobes are associated with planning, reasoning, memory, and impulse control. Therefore, by the time children reach school age, they are developmentally capable of controlling their attention and behavior. Through the elementary school years, the frontal, temporal, occipital, and parietal lobes all grow in size. The brain growth spurts experienced in childhood tend to follow Piaget’s sequence of cognitive development, so that significant changes in neural functioning account for cognitive advances (Kolb & Whishaw, 2009; Overman, Bachevalier, Turner, & Peuster, 1992).

Motor development occurs in an orderly sequence as infants move from reflexive reactions (e.g., sucking and rooting) to more advanced motor functioning. For instance, babies first learn to hold their heads up, then to sit with assistance, and then to sit unassisted, followed later by crawling and then walking.

Motor skills refer to our ability to move our bodies and manipulate objects. Fine motor skills focus on the muscles in our fingers, toes, and eyes, and enable coordination of small actions (e.g., grasping a toy, writing with a pencil, and using a spoon). Gross motor skills focus on large muscle groups that control our arms and legs and involve larger movements (e.g., balancing, running, and jumping).

As motor skills develop, there are certain developmental milestones that young children should achieve (Table 4). For each milestone there is an average age, as well as a range of ages in which the milestone should be reached. An example of a developmental milestone is sitting. On average, most babies sit alone at 7 months old. Sitting involves both coordination and muscle strength, and 90% of babies achieve this milestone between 5 and 9 months old. In another example, babies on average are able to hold up their head at 6 weeks old, and 90% of babies achieve this between 3 weeks and 4 months old. If a baby is not holding up his head by 4 months old, he is showing a delay. If the child is displaying delays on several milestones, that is reason for concern, and the parent or caregiver should discuss this with the child’s pediatrician. Some developmental delays can be identified and addressed through early intervention.

Cognitive Development

In addition to rapid physical growth, young children also exhibit significant development of their cognitive abilities. Piaget thought that children’s ability to understand objects—such as learning that a rattle makes a noise when shaken—was a cognitive skill that develops slowly as a child matures and interacts with the environment. Today, developmental psychologists think Piaget was incorrect. Researchers have found that even very young children understand objects and how they work long before they have experience with those objects (Baillargeon, 1987; Baillargeon, Li, Gertner, & Wu, 2011). For example, children as young as 3 months old demonstrated knowledge of the properties of objects that they had only viewed and did not have prior experience with them. In one study, 3-month-old infants were shown a truck rolling down a track and behind a screen. The box, which appeared solid but was actually hollow, was placed next to the track. The truck rolled past the box as would be expected. Then the box was placed on the track to block the path of the truck. When the truck was rolled down the track this time, it continued unimpeded. The infants spent significantly more time looking at this impossible event (Figure 11). Baillargeon (1987) concluded that they knew solid objects cannot pass through each other. Baillargeon’s findings suggest that very young children have an understanding of objects and how they work, which Piaget (1954) would have said is beyond their cognitive abilities due to their limited experiences in the world.

Just as there are physical milestones that we expect children to reach, there are also cognitive milestones. It is helpful to be aware of these milestones as children gain new abilities to think, problem solve, and communicate. For example, infants shake their head “no” around 6–9 months, and they respond to verbal requests to do things like “wave bye-bye” or “blow a kiss” around 9–12 months. Remember Piaget’s ideas about object permanence? We can expect children to grasp the concept that objects continue to exist even when they are not in sight by around 8 months old. Because toddlers (i.e., 12–24 months old) have mastered object permanence, they enjoy games like hide and seek, and they realize that when someone leaves the room they will come back (Loop, 2013). Toddlers also point to pictures in books and look in appropriate places when you ask them to find objects.

Preschool-age children (i.e., 3–5 years old) also make steady progress in cognitive development. Not only can they count, name colors, and tell you their name and age, but they can also make some decisions on their own, such as choosing an outfit to wear. Preschool-age children understand basic time concepts and sequencing (e.g., before and after), and they can predict what will happen next in a story. They also begin to enjoy the use of humor in stories. Because they can think symbolically, they enjoy pretend play and inventing elaborate characters and scenarios. One of the most common examples of their cognitive growth is their blossoming curiosity. Preschool-age children love to ask “Why?”

An important cognitive change occurs in children this age. Recall that Piaget described 2–3 year olds as egocentric, meaning that they do not have an awareness of others’ points of view. Between 3 and 5 years old, children come to understand that people have thoughts, feelings, and beliefs that are different from their own. This is known as theory-of-mind (TOM). Children can use this skill to tease others, persuade their parents to purchase a candy bar, or understand why a sibling might be angry. When children develop TOM, they can recognize that others have false beliefs (Dennett, 1987; Callaghan et al., 2005).

False-belief tasks are useful in determining a child’s acquisition of theory-of-mind (TOM). Take a look at this video clip showing a false-belief task involving a box of crayons.

You can view the transcript for "The "False Belief" Test: Theory of Mind" here (opens in new window) .

Cognitive skills continue to expand in middle and late childhood (6–11 years old). Thought processes become more logical and organized when dealing with concrete information (Figure 12). Children at this age understand concepts such as the past, present, and future, giving them the ability to plan and work toward goals. Additionally, they can process complex ideas such as addition and subtraction and cause-and-effect relationships. However, children’s attention spans tend to be very limited until they are around 11 years old. After that point, it begins to improve through adulthood.

One well-researched aspect of cognitive development is language acquisition. As mentioned earlier, the order in which children learn language structures is consistent across children and cultures (Hatch, 1983). You’ve also learned that some psychological researchers have proposed that children possess a biological predisposition for language acquisition.

Starting before birth, babies begin to develop language and communication skills. At birth, babies apparently recognize their mother’s voice and can discriminate between the language(s) spoken by their mothers and foreign languages, and they show preferences for faces that are moving in synchrony with audible language (Blossom & Morgan, 2006; Pickens, 1994; Spelke & Cortelyou, 1981).

Children communicate information through gesturing long before they speak, and there is some evidence that gesture usage predicts subsequent language development (Iverson & Goldin-Meadow, 2005). In terms of producing spoken language, babies begin to coo almost immediately. Cooing is a one-syllable combination of a consonant and a vowel sound (e.g., coo or ba). Interestingly, babies replicate sounds from their own languages. A baby whose parents speak French will coo in a different tone than a baby whose parents speak Spanish or Urdu. After cooing, the baby starts to babble. Babbling begins with repeating a syllable, such as ma-ma, da-da, or ba-ba. When a baby is about 12 months old, we expect her to say her first word for meaning, and to start combining words for meaning at about 18 months.

At about 2 years old, a toddler uses between 50 and 200 words; by 3 years old they have a vocabulary of up to 1,000 words and can speak in sentences. During the early childhood years, children's vocabulary increases at a rapid pace. This is sometimes referred to as the “vocabulary spurt” and has been claimed to involve an expansion in vocabulary at a rate of 10–20 new words per week. Recent research may indicate that while some children experience these spurts, it is far from universal (as discussed in Ganger & Brent, 2004). It has been estimated that, 5 year olds understand about 6,000 words, speak 2,000 words, and can define words and question their meanings. They can rhyme and name the days of the week. Seven year olds speak fluently and use slang and clichés (Stork & Widdowson, 1974).

What accounts for such dramatic language learning by children? Behaviorist B. F. Skinner thought that we learn language in response to reinforcement or feedback, such as through parental approval or through being understood. For example, when a two-year-old child asks for juice, he might say, “me juice,” to which his mother might respond by giving him a cup of apple juice. Noam Chomsky (1957) criticized Skinner’s theory and proposed that we are all born with an innate capacity to learn language. Chomsky called this mechanism a language acquisition device (LAD). Who is correct? Both Chomsky and Skinner are right. Remember that we are a product of both nature and nurture. Researchers now believe that language acquisition is partially inborn and partially learned through our interactions with our linguistic environment (Gleitman & Newport, 1995; Stork & Widdowson, 1974).

Everyday Connection: The Importance of Play and Recess

According to the American Academy of Pediatrics (2007), unstructured play is an integral part of a child’s development. It builds creativity, problem solving skills, and social relationships. Play also allows children to develop a theory-of-mind as they imaginatively take on the perspective of others.

Outdoor play allows children the opportunity to directly experience and sense the world around them. While doing so, they may collect objects that they come across and develop lifelong interests and hobbies. They also benefit from increased exercise, and engaging in outdoor play can actually increase how much they enjoy physical activity. This helps support the development of a healthy heart and brain. Unfortunately, research suggests that today’s children are engaging in less and less outdoor play (Clements, 2004). Perhaps, it is no surprise to learn that lowered levels of physical activity in conjunction with easy access to calorie-dense foods with little nutritional value are contributing to alarming levels of childhood obesity (Karnik & Kanekar, 2012).

Despite the adverse consequences associated with reduced play, some children are over scheduled and have little free time to engage in unstructured play. In addition, some schools have taken away recess time for children in a push for students to do better on standardized tests, and many schools commonly use loss of recess as a form of punishment. Do you agree with these practices? Why or why not?

Psychosocial development occurs as children form relationships, interact with others, and understand and manage their feelings. In social and emotional development, forming healthy attachments is very important and is the major social milestone of infancy. Attachment  is a long-standing connection or bond with others. Developmental psychologists are interested in how infants reach this milestone. They ask such questions as: How do parent and infant attachment bonds form? How does neglect affect these bonds? What accounts for children’s attachment differences?

Building on the work of Harlow and others, John Bowlby developed the concept of attachment theory. He defined attachment as the affectional bond or tie that an infant forms with the mother (Bowlby, 1969). An infant must form this bond with a primary caregiver in order to have normal social and emotional development. In addition, Bowlby proposed that this attachment bond is very powerful and continues throughout life. He used the concept of secure base to define a healthy attachment between parent and child (1988). A secure base is a parental presence that gives the child a sense of safety as he explores his surroundings. Bowlby said that two things are needed for a healthy attachment: The caregiver must be responsive to the child’s physical, social, and emotional needs; and the caregiver and child must engage in mutually enjoyable interactions (Bowlby, 1969) (Figure 13).

While Bowlby thought attachment was an all-or-nothing process, Mary Ainsworth’s (1970) research showed otherwise. Ainsworth wanted to know if children differ in the ways they bond, and if so, why. To find the answers, she used the Strange Situation procedure to study attachment between mothers and their infants (1970). In the Strange Situation, the mother (or primary caregiver) and the infant (age 12-18 months) are placed in a room together. There are toys in the room, and the caregiver and child spend some time alone in the room. After the child has had time to explore her surroundings, a stranger enters the room. The mother then leaves her baby with the stranger. After a few minutes, she returns to comfort her child.

Based on how the infants/toddlers responded to the separation and reunion, Ainsworth identified three types of parent-child attachments: secure, avoidant, and resistant (Ainsworth & Bell, 1970). A fourth style, known as disorganized attachment, was later described (Main & Solomon, 1990). The most common type of attachment—also considered the healthiest—is called secure attachment (Figure 14). In this type of attachment, the toddler prefers his parent over a stranger. The attachment figure is used as a secure base to explore the environment and is sought out in times of stress. Securely attached children were distressed when their caregivers left the room in the Strange Situation experiment, but when their caregivers returned, the securely attached children were happy to see them. Securely attached children have caregivers who are sensitive and responsive to their needs.

With avoidant attachment   (sometimes called insecure or anxious-avoidant), the child is unresponsive to the parent, does not use the parent as a secure base, and does not care if the parent leaves. The toddler reacts to the parent the same way she reacts to a stranger. When the parent does return, the child is slow to show a positive reaction. Ainsworth theorized that these children were most likely to have a caregiver who was insensitive and inattentive to their needs (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978).

In cases of resistant attachment (also called ambivalent or anxious-ambivalent/resistant), children tend to show clingy behavior, but then they reject the attachment figure’s attempts to interact with them (Ainsworth & Bell, 1970). These children do not explore the toys in the room, as they are too fearful. During separation in the Strange Situation, they became extremely disturbed and angry with the parent. When the parent returns, the children are difficult to comfort. Resistant attachment is the result of the caregivers’ inconsistent level of response to their child.

Finally, children with disorganized attachment  behaved oddly in the Strange Situation. They freeze, run around the room in an erratic manner, or try to run away when the caregiver returns (Main & Solomon, 1990). This type of attachment is seen most often in kids who have been abused. Research has shown that abuse disrupts a child’s ability to regulate their emotions.

While Ainsworth’s research has found support in subsequent studies, it has also met criticism. Some researchers have pointed out that a child’s temperament may have a strong influence on attachment (Gervai, 2009; Harris, 2009), and others have noted that attachment varies from culture to culture, a factor not accounted for in Ainsworth’s research (Rothbaum, Weisz, Pott, Miyake, & Morelli, 2000; van Ijzendoorn & Sagi-Schwartz, 2008).

Watch this video to view a clip of the Strange Situation. Try to identify which type of attachment baby Lisa exhibits.

You can view the transcript for "The Strange Situation - Mary Ainsworth" here (opens in new window) .

Self-Concept

Just as attachment is the main psychosocial milestone of infancy, the primary psychosocial milestone of childhood is the development of a positive sense of self. How does self-awareness develop? Infants don’t have a self-concept, which is an understanding of who they are. If you place a baby in front of a mirror, she will reach out to touch her image, thinking it is another baby. However, by about 18 months a toddler will recognize that the person in the mirror is herself. How do we know this? In a well-known experiment, a researcher placed a red dot of paint on children’s noses before putting them in front of a mirror (Amsterdam, 1972). Commonly known as the mirror test, this behavior is demonstrated by humans and a few other species and is considered evidence of self-recognition (Archer, 1992). At 18 months old they would touch their own noses when they saw the paint, surprised to see a spot on their faces. By 24–36 months old children can name and/or point to themselves in pictures, clearly indicating self-recognition.

Children from 2–4 years old display a great increase in social behavior once they have established a self-concept. They enjoy playing with other children, but they have difficulty sharing their possessions. Also, through play children explore and come to understand their gender roles and can label themselves as a girl or boy (Chick, Heilman-Houser, & Hunter, 2002). By 4 years old, children can cooperate with other children, share when asked, and separate from parents with little anxiety. Children at this age also exhibit autonomy, initiate tasks, and carry out plans. Success in these areas contributes to a positive sense of self. Once children reach 6 years old, they can identify themselves in terms of group memberships: “I’m a first grader!” School-age children compare themselves to their peers and discover that they are competent in some areas and less so in others (recall Erikson’s task of industry versus inferiority). At this age, children recognize their own personality traits as well as some other traits they would like to have. For example, 10-year-old Layla says, “I’m kind of shy. I wish I could be more talkative like my friend Alexa.”

Development of a positive self-concept is important to healthy development. Children with a positive self-concept tend to be more confident, do better in school, act more independently, and are more willing to try new activities (Maccoby, 1980; Ferrer & Fugate, 2003). Formation of a positive self-concept begins in Erikson’s toddlerhood stage, when children establish autonomy and become confident in their abilities. Development of self-concept continues in elementary school, when children compare themselves to others. When the comparison is favorable, children feel a sense of competence and are motivated to work harder and accomplish more. Self-concept is re-evaluated in Erikson’s adolescence stage, as teens form an identity. They internalize the messages they have received regarding their strengths and weaknesses, keeping some messages and rejecting others. Adolescents who have achieved identity formation are capable of contributing positively to society (Erikson, 1968).

What can parents do to nurture a healthy self-concept? Diana Baumrind (1971, 1991) thinks parenting style may be a factor. The way we parent is an important factor in a child’s socioemotional growth. Baumrind developed and refined a theory describing four parenting styles: authoritative, authoritarian, permissive, and uninvolved. With the authoritative style , the parent gives reasonable demands and consistent limits, expresses warmth and affection, and listens to the child’s point of view. Parents set rules and explain the reasons behind them. They are also flexible and willing to make exceptions to the rules in certain cases—for example, temporarily relaxing bedtime rules to allow for a nighttime swim during a family vacation. Of the four parenting styles, the authoritative style is the one that is most encouraged in modern American society. American children raised by authoritative parents tend to have high self-esteem and social skills. However, effective parenting styles vary as a function of culture and, as Small (1999) points out, the authoritative style is not necessarily preferred or appropriate in all cultures.

In authoritarian style , the parent places high value on conformity and obedience. The parents are often strict, tightly monitor their children, and express little warmth. In contrast to the authoritative style, authoritarian parents probably would not relax bedtime rules during a vacation because they consider the rules to be set, and they expect obedience. This style can create anxious, withdrawn, and unhappy kids. However, it is important to point out that authoritarian parenting is as beneficial as the authoritative style in some ethnic groups (Russell, Crockett, & Chao, 2010). For instance, first-generation Chinese American children raised by authoritarian parents did just as well in school as their peers who were raised by authoritative parents (Russell et al., 2010).

For parents who employ the permissive style  of parenting, the kids run the show and anything goes. Permissive parents make few demands and rarely use punishment. They tend to be very nurturing and loving, and may play the role of friend rather than parent. In terms of our example of vacation bedtimes, permissive parents might not have bedtime rules at all—instead they allow the child to choose his bedtime whether on vacation or not. Not surprisingly, children raised by permissive parents tend to lack self-discipline, and the permissive parenting style is negatively associated with grades (Dornbusch, Ritter, Leiderman, Roberts, & Fraleigh, 1987). The permissive style may also contribute to other risky behaviors such as alcohol abuse (Bahr & Hoffman, 2010), risky sexual behavior especially among female children (Donenberg, Wilson, Emerson, & Bryant, 2002), and increased display of disruptive behaviors by male children (Parent et al., 2011). However, there are some positive outcomes associated with children raised by permissive parents. They tend to have higher self-esteem, better social skills, and report lower levels of depression (Darling, 1999).

With the uninvolved style  of parenting, the parents are indifferent, uninvolved, and sometimes referred to as neglectful. They don’t respond to the child’s needs and make relatively few demands. This could be because of severe depression or substance abuse, or other factors such as the parents’ extreme focus on work. These parents may provide for the child’s basic needs, but little else. The children raised in this parenting style are usually emotionally withdrawn, fearful, anxious, perform poorly in school, and are at an increased risk of substance abuse (Darling, 1999).

As you can see, parenting styles influence childhood adjustment, but could a child’s temperament likewise influence parenting? Temperament refers to innate traits that influence how one thinks, behaves, and reacts with the environment. Children with easy temperaments demonstrate positive emotions, adapt well to change, and are capable of regulating their emotions. Conversely, children with difficult temperaments demonstrate negative emotions and have difficulty adapting to change and regulating their emotions. Difficult children are much more likely to challenge parents, teachers, and other caregivers (Thomas, 1984). Therefore, it’s possible that easy children (i.e., social, adaptable, and easy to soothe) tend to elicit warm and responsive parenting, while demanding, irritable, withdrawn children evoke irritation in their parents or cause their parents to withdraw (Sanson & Rothbart, 1995).

Development in Adolescence and Adulthood

Changes in development during childhood are rapid and more obvious than the changes that come later on in life, but before you reach adulthood, there is one more large transition: adolescence. Adolescence brings the physical development of puberty, as well as cognitive, social, and emotional changes. Following adolescence, transitions are less obvious, but still significant throughout emerging adulthood and adulthood. Finally, growing older means confronting many psychological, emotional, and social issues that come with entering the last phase of life.

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• Describe physical, cognitive, and emotional development that occurs during adolescence
• Describe physical, cognitive, and emotional development that occurs in adulthood
• Differentiate between fluid and crystallized intelligence

Adolescence

Adolescence is a socially constructed concept. In pre-industrial society, children were considered adults when they reached physical maturity, but today we have an extended time between childhood and adulthood called adolescence. Adolescence is the period of development that begins at puberty and ends at emerging adulthood, or into the mid- to late 20s. In the United States, adolescence is seen as a time to develop independence from parents while remaining connected to them (Figure 15). The typical age range of adolescence is from 12 to 18 years, and this stage of development also has some predictable physical, cognitive, and psychosocial milestones.

As noted above, adolescence begins with puberty. While the sequence of physical changes in puberty is predictable, the onset and pace of puberty vary widely. Several physical changes occur during puberty, such as adrenarche and gonadarche, the maturing of the adrenal glands and sex glands, respectively. Also during this time, primary and secondary sexual characteristics develop and mature. Primary sexual characteristics are organs specifically needed for reproduction, like the uterus and ovaries in females and testes in males. Secondary sexual characteristics are physical signs of sexual maturation that do not directly involve sex organs, such as development of breasts and hips in girls, and development of facial hair and a deepened voice in boys. Girls experience menarche, the beginning of menstrual periods, usually around 12–13 years old, and boys experience spermarche, the first ejaculation, around 13–14 years old.

During puberty, both sexes experience a rapid increase in height (i.e., growth spurt). For girls this begins between 8 and 13 years old, with adult height reached between 10 and 16 years old. Boys begin their growth spurt slightly later, usually between 10 and 16 years old, and reach their adult height between 13 and 17 years old. Both nature (i.e., genes) and nurture (e.g., nutrition, medications, and medical conditions) can influence height.

Because rates of physical development vary so widely among teenagers, puberty can be a source of pride or embarrassment. Early maturing boys tend to be stronger, taller, and more athletic than their later maturing peers. They are usually more popular, confident, and independent, but they are also at a greater risk for substance abuse and early sexual activity (Flannery, Rowe, & Gulley, 1993; Kaltiala-Heino, Rimpela, Rissanen, & Rantanen, 2001). Early maturing girls may be teased or overtly admired, which can cause them to feel self-conscious about their developing bodies. These girls are at a higher risk for depression, substance abuse, and eating disorders (Ge, Conger, & Elder, 2001; Graber, Lewinsohn, Seeley, & Brooks-Gunn, 1997; Striegel-Moore & Cachelin, 1999). Late blooming boys and girls (i.e., they develop more slowly than their peers) may feel self-conscious about their lack of physical development. Negative feelings are particularly a problem for late maturing boys, who are at a higher risk for depression and conflict with parents (Graber et al., 1997) and more likely to be bullied (Pollack & Shuster, 2000).

The adolescent brain also remains under development. Recall from your earlier study, that the brain consists of six regions: temporal lobe, brain stem, cerebellum, occipital lobe (includes the visual cortex), parietal lobe, and the frontal lobe. The frontal lobe consists of the prefrontal cortex, premotor cortex, and motor cortex. The prefrontal lobe lies just behind the forehead. Up until puberty, brain cells continue to bloom in the frontal region. Adolescents engage in increased risk-taking behaviors and emotional outbursts possibly because the frontal lobes of their brains are still developing (Figure 16). Recall that this area is often called the "CEO of the brain", as it is responsible for judgment, impulse control, and planning. It is still maturing into early adulthood, up until around age 25 (Casey, Tottenham, Liston, & Durston, 2005).

Brain maturity occurs when there is growth of new neural connections and the pruning of unused neurons and connections. According to recent research, the brain regions tend to develop from the back to the front of the brain. Also, myelin continues to grow around axons and neurons helping to speed transmission between the various regions of the brain.

Psychosocial Development

Adolescents continue to refine their sense of self as they relate to others. Erikson referred to the task of the adolescent as one of identity versus role confusion. Thus, in Erikson’s view, an adolescent’s main questions are “Who am I?” and “Who do I want to be?” Some adolescents adopt the values and roles that their parents expect for them. Other teens develop identities that are in opposition to their parents but align with a peer group. This is common as peer relationships become a central focus in adolescents’ lives.

As adolescents work to form their identities, they pull away from their parents, and the peer group becomes very important (Shanahan, McHale, Osgood, & Crouter, 2007). Despite spending less time with their parents, most teens report positive feelings toward them (Moore, Guzman, Hair, Lippman, & Garrett, 2004). Warm and healthy parent-child relationships have been associated with positive child outcomes, such as better grades and fewer school behavior problems, in the United States as well as in other countries (Hair et al., 2005).

It appears that most teens don’t experience adolescent storm and stress to the degree once famously suggested by G. Stanley Hall, a pioneer in the study of adolescent development. Only small numbers of teens have major conflicts with their parents (Steinberg & Morris, 2001), and most disagreements are minor. For example, in a study of over 1,800 parents of adolescents from various cultural and ethnic groups, Barber (1994) found that conflicts occurred over day-to-day issues such as homework, money, curfews, clothing, chores, and friends. These types of arguments tend to decrease as teens develop (Galambos & Almeida, 1992).

Emerging Adulthood

The next stage of development is emerging adulthood . This is a relatively newly defined period of lifespan development spanning from 18 years old to the mid-20s, characterized as an in-between time where identity exploration is focused on work and love.

When does a person become an adult? There are many ways to answer this question. In the United States, you are legally considered an adult at 18 years old. But other definitions of adulthood vary widely; in sociology, for example, a person may be considered an adult when she becomes self-supporting, chooses a career, gets married, or starts a family. The ages at which we achieve these milestones vary from person to person as well as from culture to culture. For example, in the African country of Malawi, 15-year-old Njemile was married at 14 years old and had her first child at 15 years old. In her culture she is considered an adult. Children in Malawi take on adult responsibilities such as marriage and work (e.g., carrying water, tending babies, and working fields) as early as 10 years old. In stark contrast, independence in Western cultures is taking longer and longer, effectively delaying the onset of adult life.

Why is it taking twenty-somethings so long to grow up? It seems that emerging adulthood is a product of both Western culture and our current times (Arnett, 2000). People in developed countries are living longer, allowing the freedom to take an extra decade to start a career and family. Changes in the workforce also play a role. For example, 50 years ago, a young adult with a high school diploma could immediately enter the work force and climb the corporate ladder. That is no longer the case. Bachelor’s and even graduate degrees are required more and more often—even for entry-level jobs (Arnett, 2000). In addition, many students are taking longer (five or six years) to complete a college degree as a result of working and going to school at the same time. After graduation, many young adults return to the family home because they have difficulty finding a job. Changing cultural expectations may be the most important reason for the delay in entering adult roles. Young people are spending more time exploring their options, so they are delaying marriage and work as they change majors and jobs multiple times, putting them on a much later timetable than their parents (Arnett, 2000).

Adulthood begins around 20 years old and has three distinct stages: early, middle, and late. Each stage brings its own set of rewards and challenges.

By the time we reach early adulthood (20 to early 40s), our physical maturation is complete, although our height and weight may increase slightly. In young adulthood, our physical abilities are at their peak, including muscle strength, reaction time, sensory abilities, and cardiac functioning. Most professional athletes are at the top of their game during this stage. Many women have children in the young adulthood years, so they may see additional weight gain and breast changes.

Middle adulthood extends from the 40s to the 60s (Figure 18). Physical decline is gradual. The skin loses some elasticity, and wrinkles are among the first signs of aging. Visual acuity decreases during this time. Women experience a gradual decline in fertility as they approach the onset of menopause, the end of the menstrual cycle, around 50 years old. Both men and women tend to gain weight: in the abdominal area for men and in the hips and thighs for women. Hair begins to thin and turn gray.

Late adulthood is considered to extend from the 60s on. This is the last stage of physical change. The skin continues to lose elasticity, reaction time slows further, and muscle strength diminishes. Smell, taste, hearing, and vision, so sharp in our twenties, decline significantly. The brain may also no longer function at optimal levels, leading to problems like memory loss, dementia, and Alzheimer’s disease in later years.

Because we spend so many years in adulthood (more than any other stage), cognitive changes are numerous. In fact, research suggests that adult cognitive development is a complex, ever changing process that may be even more active than cognitive development in infancy and early childhood (Fischer, Yan, & Stewart, 2003).

Researchers have identified areas of both losses and gains in cognition in older age. Cognitive ability and intelligence are often measured using standardized tests and validated measures. The psychometric approach has identified two categories of intelligence that show different rates of change across the life span (Schaie & Willis, 1996). Fluid intelligence  refers to information processing abilities, such as logical reasoning, remembering lists, spatial ability, and reaction time. Crystallized intelligence  encompasses abilities that draw upon experience and knowledge. Measures of crystallized intelligence include vocabulary tests, solving number problems, and understanding texts.

With age, systematic declines are observed on cognitive tasks requiring self-initiated, effortful processing, without the aid of supportive memory cues (Park, 2000). Older adults tend to perform poorer than young adults on memory tasks that involve recall of information, where individuals must retrieve information they learned previously without the help of a list of possible choices. For example, older adults may have more difficulty recalling facts such as names or contextual details about where or when something happened (Craik, 2000). What might explain these deficits as we age? As we age, working memory, or our ability to simultaneously store and use information, becomes less efficient (Craik & Bialystok, 2006). The ability to process information quickly also decreases with age. This slowing of processing speed may explain age differences on many different cognitive tasks (Salthouse, 2004). Some researchers have argued that inhibitory functioning, or the ability to focus on certain information while suppressing attention to less pertinent information, declines with age and may explain age differences in performance on cognitive tasks (Hasher & Zacks, 1988). Finally, it is well established that our hearing and vision decline as we age. Longitudinal research has proposed that deficits in sensory functioning explain age differences in a variety of cognitive abilities (Baltes & Lindenberger, 1997).

Fewer age differences are observed when memory cues are available, such as for recognition memory tasks, or when individuals can draw upon acquired knowledge or experience. For example, older adults often perform as well if not better than young adults on tests of word knowledge or vocabulary. With age often comes expertise, and research has pointed to areas where aging experts perform as well or better than younger individuals. For example, older typists were found to compensate for age-related declines in speed by looking farther ahead at printed text (Salthouse, 1984). Compared to younger players, older chess experts are able to focus on a smaller set of possible moves, leading to greater cognitive efficiency (Charness, 1981). Accrued knowledge of everyday tasks, such as grocery prices, can help older adults to make better decisions than young adults (Tentori, Osheron, Hasher, & May, 2001).

How do changes or maintenance of cognitive ability affect older adults’ everyday lives? Researchers have studied cognition in the context of several different everyday activities. One example is driving. Although older adults often have more years of driving experience, cognitive declines related to reaction time or attentional processes may pose limitations under certain circumstances (Park & Gutchess, 2000). Research on interpersonal problem solving suggested that older adults use more effective strategies than younger adults to navigate through social and emotional problems (Blanchard-Fields, 2007). In the context of work, researchers rarely find that older individuals perform poorer on the job (Park & Gutchess, 2000). Similar to everyday problem solving, older workers may develop more efficient strategies and rely on expertise to compensate for cognitive decline.

How can we delay the onset of cognitive decline? Mental and physical activity seems to play a part (Figure 20). Research has found adults who engage in mentally and physically stimulating activities experience less cognitive decline and have a reduced incidence of mild cognitive impairment and dementia (Hertzog, Kramer, Wilson, & Lindenberger, 2009; Larson et al., 2006; Podewils et al., 2005).

There are many theories about the social and emotional aspects of aging. Some aspects of healthy aging include activities, social connectedness, and the role of a person’s culture. According to many theorists, including George Vaillant (2002), who studied and analyzed over 50 years of data, we need to have and continue to find meaning throughout our lives. For those in early and middle adulthood, meaning is found through work (Sterns & Huyck, 2001) and family life (Markus, Ryff, Curan, & Palmersheim, 2004). These areas relate to the tasks that Erikson referred to as intimacy versus isolation in early adulthood and  generativity versus stagnation  in middle adulthood. As mentioned previously, adults tend to define themselves by what they do—their careers. Earnings peak during this time, yet job satisfaction is more closely tied to work that involves contact with other people, is interesting, provides opportunities for advancement, and allows some independence (Mohr & Zoghi, 2006) than it is to salary (Iyengar, Wells, & Schwartz, 2006). How might being unemployed or being in a dead-end job challenge adult well-being?

As people enter the final stages of life, they have what Erik Erikson described as a crisis over integrity versus despair. In other words, they review the events of their lives and try to come to terms with the mark (or lack thereof) that they have made on the world. People who believe they have had a positive impact on the world through their contributions live the end of life with a sense of integrity. Those who feel they have not measured up to certain standards—either their own or others'—develop a sense of despair.

Positive relationships with significant others in our adult years have been found to contribute to a state of well-being (Ryff & Singer, 2009). Most adults in the United States identify themselves through their relationships with family—particularly with spouses, children, and parents (Markus et al., 2004). While raising children can be stressful, especially when they are young, research suggests that parents reap the rewards down the road, as adult children tend to have a positive effect on parental well-being (Umberson, Pudrovska, & Reczek, 2010). Having a stable marriage has also been found to contribute to well-being throughout adulthood (Vaillant, 2002).

Another aspect of positive aging is believed to be social connectedness and social support. As we get older, socioemotional selectivity theory suggests that our social support and friendships dwindle in number, but remain as close, if not more close than in our earlier years (Carstensen, 1992) (Figure 21).

Putting It Together: Lifespan Development

In this chapter, you learned to

• compare and contrast theories lifespan development theories
• explain the physical, cognitive, and emotional development that occurs from infancy through childhood
• describe physical, cognitive, and emotional development in adolescence and adulthood

Our understanding of human nature has come a long way since the belief that children were just little adults in need of instruction. Through ongoing research, we now know that children hit certain milestones that enable them to take another viewpoint or understand the law of conservation, that babies can understand enough about the world around them to make moral judgments, and that issues of physical, social, and cognitive importance change across the lifespan.

Adolescence is one of the time periods of interest to psychologists, especially due to the focus on identity formation, which often involves a period of exploration followed by commitments to particular identities. Adolescence is characterized by risky behavior, which is made more likely by changes in the brain in which reward-processing centers develop more rapidly than cognitive control systems, making adolescents more sensitive to rewards than to possible negative consequences.

Marcia (1966) described identify formation during adolescence as involving both decision points and commitments with respect to ideologies (e.g., religion, politics) and occupations. He described four identity statuses: foreclosure, identity diffusion, moratorium, and identity achievement.

• Foreclosure occurs when an individual commits to an identity without exploring options.
• Identity diffusion occurs when adolescents neither explore nor commit to any identities.
• Moratorium is a state in which adolescents are actively exploring options but have not yet made commitments.
• Identity achievement occurs when individuals have explored different options and then made identity commitments.

Think about your own adolescent experience (you may consider yourself still in this life stage). Which identity status best fits with your own experience? Do you feel committed to your current identity, or do you feel as though you are still developing? Regardless of your answer, you can rest assured that human development does not end with adolescence, and research proves that people can continue to learn, grow, and even change as long as they would like.

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study of development using norms, or average ages, when most children reach specific developmental milestones

all of the beliefs, customs, art, and traditions of a particular society

view that development is a cumulative process: gradually improving on existing skills

view that development takes place in unique stages, which happen at specific times or ages

process proposed by Freud in which pleasure-seeking urges focus on different erogenous zones of the body as humans move through five stages of life

domain of lifespan development that examines emotions, personality, and social relationships from infancy through adulthood, proposed by Erikson

(plural = schemata) mental construct consisting of a cluster or collection of related concepts

adjustment of a schema by adding information similar to what is already known

adjustment of a schema by changing a scheme to accommodate new information different from what was already known

idea that even if something is out of sight, it still exists

second stage in Piaget’s theory of cognitive development; from ages 2 to 7, children learn to use symbols and language but do not understand mental operations and often think illogically

idea that even if you change the appearance of something, it is still equal in size, volume, or number as long as nothing is added or removed

preoperational child’s difficulty in taking the perspective of others

third stage in Piaget’s theory of cognitive development; from about 7 to 11 years old, children can think logically about real (concrete) events

principle that objects can be changed, but then returned back to their original form or condition

structure created when a sperm and egg merge at conception; begins as a single cell and rapidly divides to form the embryo and placenta

multi-cellular organism in its early stages of development

structure connected to the uterus that provides nourishment and oxygen to the developing baby

medical care during pregnancy that monitors the health of both the mother and the fetus

time during fetal growth when specific parts or organs develop

inborn automatic response to a particular form of stimulation that all healthy babies are born with

ability to move our body and manipulate objects

use of muscles in fingers, toes, and eyes to coordinate small actions

use of large muscle groups to control arms and legs for large body movements

long-standing connection or bond with others

parental presence that gives the infant/toddler a sense of safety as they explore their surroundings

characterized by the child using the parent as a secure base from which to explore

characterized by child’s unresponsiveness to parent, does not use the parent as a secure base, and does not care if parent leaves

characterized by the child’s tendency to show clingy behavior and rejection of the parent when they attempt to interact with the child

characterized by the child’s odd behavior when faced with the parent; type of attachment seen most often with kids that are abused

parents give children reasonable demands and consistent limits, express warmth and affection, and listen to the child’s point of view

parents place a high value on conformity and obedience, are often rigid, and express little warmth to the child

parents make few demands and rarely use punishment

parents are indifferent, uninvolved, and sometimes referred to as neglectful; they don’t respond to the child’s needs and make relatively few demands

period of development that begins at puberty and ends at early adulthood

newly defined period of lifespan development from 18 years old to the mid-20s; young people are taking longer to complete college, get a job, get married, and start a family

information processing abilities, such as logical reasoning, remembering lists, spatial ability, and reaction time

intelligence that draw upon experience and knowledge. Measures include vocabulary tests, solving number problems, and understanding texts

Psychological Science: Understanding Human Behavior Copyright © by Karenna Malavanti is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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Case Studies in Lifespan Development 1st Edition

• ISBN-10 1544361866
• ISBN-13 978-1544361864
• Edition 1st
• Publication date September 10, 2019
• Language English
• Dimensions 7.38 x 0.71 x 9.13 inches
• Print length 312 pages
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• Publisher ‏ : ‎ SAGE Publications, Inc; 1st edition (September 10, 2019)
• Language ‏ : ‎ English
• Paperback ‏ : ‎ 312 pages
• ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 1544361866
• ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-1544361864
• Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 2.31 pounds
• Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 7.38 x 0.71 x 9.13 inches
• #504 in Popular Developmental Psychology
• #1,464 in Medical Child Psychology
• #1,811 in Popular Child Psychology

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Case Studies in Lifespan Development

Child Development in Education | Lifespan Development/Lifespan Human Development | Child Development in Psychology | Lifespan Human Development | Child Development | Human/Lifespan Development

• Request Instructor Sample
• DESCRIPTION

Case Studies in Lifespan Development offers students a comprehensive view into life’s key developmental stages through unique, diverse, and moving cases. Author Stephanie M. Wright presents a series of 12 case studies shaped by the contributions of real students—including their observations, concerns, and moments of triumph—to build immersive examples that readers can relate to and enjoy.   INSTRUCTORS: Bundle Case Studies in Lifespan Development with one of the best-selling core texts below for only $5 more! SAGE coursepacks LMS resources accompanying these texts allow you to track student understanding of the entire human lifespan with auto-graded assessments and open-ended discussion questions.

• Lifespan Development: Lives in Context, Second Edition : Chronologically organized, this book explores the dynamic interactions between individuals, our genetic makeup, and the diverse contexts that shape our growth and development at every stage of life.
• Lifespan Development in Context: A Topical Approach: Provides a panoramic view of the many influences that shape human development.
• Child Development From Infancy to Adolescence: An Active Learning Approach, Second Edition : Chronologically organized, this book presents topics within the field of child development through unique and highly engaging Active Learning opportunities.

Available formats

KEY FEATURES: 

• SAGE coursepacks LMS resources for these texts include auto-graded assessments and open-ended discussion questions.
• Each case portrays a different context than the others , reinforcing for students the effects of diverse environments on human development.         
• Wide diversity among cases exposes students to development within periods and domains from differing genetic and cultural contexts.         
• Cases develop from conception through end-of-life to encourage analysis of early life experiences as precursors to later life development.         
• Comprehensive assessment requires students to create new case outcomes from existing theory and information.         
• Specific learning objectives for each domain and period of development are presented at the beginning of each developmental moment and are mapped to primary text material.

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Lifespan Development: A Psychological Perspective - Fourth Edition

(38 reviews)

Martha Lally, College of Lake County

Suzanne Valentine-French, College of Lake County

Copyright Year: 2022

Last Update: 2023

Publisher: Martha Lally, Suzanne Valentine-French

Language: English

Formats Available

Conditions of use.

Learn more about reviews.

Reviewed by Michael Shaughnessy, Professor, Eastern New Mexico University on 1/16/24

This is a VERY comprehensive book, integrating historical, medical and psychological information as it relates to human growth and development. That being said at 496 pages- it is really a graduate level book- as undergraduates would be... read more

Comprehensiveness rating: 5 see less

This is a VERY comprehensive book, integrating historical, medical and psychological information as it relates to human growth and development. That being said at 496 pages- it is really a graduate level book- as undergraduates would be overwhelmed with it and its comprehensiveness. It is up to date and chock full of tables and figures and pictures and is well organized and rich and robust with depth.

Content Accuracy rating: 5

From what I have seen the book is accurate, and while I did not read every word of every page of this 496 page book- what I have read seems on target and relevant and unbiased.

Relevance/Longevity rating: 5

Very timely and relevant- one notices the mention of COVID and it's impact on learning and the growth and development of the human organism. Artificial intelligence will be integrated into this 10 chapter book relatively quickly. At first, when I saw 10 chapters, I thought this would be a superficial summary type of book but it is surprisingly an indepth very comprehensive book- one that might fit into an honors class.

Clarity rating: 5

Clarity is good- but this book would need to be a text for a 16-week course- to allow students to read and reflect and absorb the material.

Consistency rating: 5

Logical rational and reasonable---but the length is overwhelming- students might intially be drawn to the pictures charts and graphs- but this is a graduate level text for a graduate level class- in which the graduate students have plenty of time to read and review and reflect.

Modularity rating: 4

This is a ten-chapter book- but it really delves into each chapter extensively. I was initially happy to see the 10-chapter organization- but each of these chapters is rich and robust and in depth-. I suppose that students could be told to skim over the historical and medical parts and just glance at the charts and graphs and figures- but this is a THICK book- 496 pages- and it deserves a full semester. I would NOT recommend this for a summer class.

Organization/Structure/Flow rating: 5

It is easy to reflect on the organization as it covers the human development from birth to death - and does so comprehensively. This is a book for reflective scholars- who want to stop and think about and in class- to discuss all of the issues comprehensively covered.

Interface rating: 5

Charts, graphs, figures---are all clean and neat---font could be larger in SOME places- but BOLD is used for terms and headings- and this is nicely organized.

Grammatical Errors rating: 5

Readable, enjoyable, conversational----but time has to be allocated for a real reading of this 496 page tome.

Cultural Relevance rating: 5

The authors seem to have worked on this- and I have seen a balance here- and I have no concerns or objections.

As I have already mentioned,----this is a book that deserves a full semester---and should not be used in a 4-week summer class or any 8-week approach. This book deserves the time to absorb, think about and reflect on the material that is interwoven with theory and factual knowledge and information. This is a rich robust, but thick challenging book for serious graduate students who really do want to learn more not just about human growth and development- but the human condition !

Reviewed by Kelli Rogers, Assistant Professor Practice, University of Texas at Arlington on 12/12/22

This text examines how biological, psychological, and social factors shape people’s lives from conception to death, covering various stages of development and a number of theories relates to these stages. However, there is need for further... read more

Comprehensiveness rating: 4 see less

This text examines how biological, psychological, and social factors shape people’s lives from conception to death, covering various stages of development and a number of theories relates to these stages. However, there is need for further discussion of atypical development and the influence of various social, cultural, and environmental contexts. There is no glossary, which would be helpful for students who prefer to print the text.

Content Accuracy rating: 4

The content parallels other text on lifespan development and course curricula. However, more contemporary research would increased its accuracy. Detailed discussions of risk and protective factors relative to each of the stages of development would provide a more comprehensive perspective. In addition, other issues of diversity (besides just socioeconomic background and culture) should be described.

Relevance/Longevity rating: 4

This text contains relevant information, however, there are several older references. While this may be appropriate for theoretical and historical discussions of human development, it fails to include updates in science and technology that significantly influences development. In addition, the inclusion of case vignettes would improve relevance and engagement. The text is written and arranged in such a way that necessary updates will be relatively easy and straightforward to implement.

This text is well-organized and easy to read, which makes it ideal for undergraduates. The learning objectives could be more concisely written, as there are several sets of topic-specific learning objectives in each chapter.

Consistency rating: 4

The text appears to be presented in a consistent manner, with regard to terminology and framework. However, the degree of depth to which theories and concepts are covered varies. For example, there are fewer theories discussed in chapters middle adulthood through late adulthood, which may be a reflection of current literature.

Modularity rating: 5

The text consists of 10 chapters, organized by developmental stages and can be easily reorganized and realigned for a variety of course modalities. The text is also easily and readily divisible into smaller reading sections that can be assigned at different points within the course

Organization/Structure/Flow rating: 4

The topics in the text are presented in a logical, clear fashion and the layout remain consistent across all chapters. However, some chapter lack a smooth transition between subsections and topics.

The text is free of significant interface issues. The table of contents and external links embedded within the chapters are navigable. The charts and images are readable.

I did not noticed any grammatical errors or issues.

Cultural Relevance rating: 4

I would have appreciated more content on issues of diversity and how this significantly impacts various stages of development. Ageism was limited to experiences in late adulthood ad fails to discuss ageism in adolescence. Case study examples of a variety of backgrounds, disabilities and abilities, religions/spirituality, etc., would improve cultural sensitivity and inclusivity. More diverse images and the inclusion of studies of nonwhite populations would be beneficial.

Overall, I found this text to be very comprehensive in covering all of the developmental stages and major theories of development. While the majority of the content is consistent with other texts, supplemental reading materials, documentaries, case vignettes, etc., are necessary to improve relevance, accuracy, and inclusiveness.

Reviewed by Michael Slavkin, Assistant Professor of Psychological Services and Counseling, Marian University on 5/31/22

Each chapter is organized around a developmental level. Pertinent theories and concepts are covered. Details are strong and material is well discussed. read more

Each chapter is organized around a developmental level. Pertinent theories and concepts are covered. Details are strong and material is well discussed.

No accuracy issues were evidenced. The text is error-free and no bias seems to exist. Relevant information and up-to date references.

The textbook is relevant, providing current information that links with the current research in the field. There is a clear arrangement as the text is tied to areas of development. The fact that there are 10 chapters makes the text fairly straightforward to implement over the course of a term.

No clarity issues were found. The text is written in a clear style, and provides good content with limited jargon. Those terms that are new are highlighted for student ease (no glossary is included, but bolded words are used for new terms).

The text is internally consistent, using a clear organizational scheme. There is no issue with framework, and material could be supplemented easily.

The text is divided into 10 chapters, which could be aligned to different course management systems easily. The text is not overly self-referential. It can be organized and aligned with articles or materials relatively easily.

The topics in the text are organized well. The material is clearly stated, and presented relatively easily for review.

No navigation problems or distorted in any way. The text was displayed well.

Clear text with no grammatical issues.

The book does an exemplary job of sharing up-to-date material that supports a strong multicultural and diverse background. Details about exceptionalities, neurodiversity, and cultural/social sensitivity are included.

The text by Martha Lally and Suzanne Valentine-French is a solid overview of lifespan development. Appropriate for psychology, sociology, education, and human services; this would be a strong textbook for use in a variety of programs. Well organized and developed.

Reviewed by Joshua Smith, Psychology Instructor, Dodge City Community College on 2/25/22

This book is well laid out and covers all of the major areas of the lifespan development. The book is hits on all of the major concepts and theories that I would want to teach in an introductory or intermediate lifespan development course. The... read more

This book is well laid out and covers all of the major areas of the lifespan development. The book is hits on all of the major concepts and theories that I would want to teach in an introductory or intermediate lifespan development course. The book does not contain a list of key terms and definitions at the end of the chapters or a glossary. An index at the end of the text would also be helpful.

Content in the text is consistent with other introductory development textbooks. Historical and theoretical information is accurate and contemporary examples are beneficial. The text presents information that is consistent with psychological theory and supported by research in a way that appears free of any overt bias.

The text was updated in 2019, but still contains several older references. Depending on your teaching goals (e.g., theoretical foundations vs. modern applications), the addition of more recent works could be beneficial. Instructors might need to supplement with recent research in some areas. There have been some updates from previous versions, such as the inclusion of social media and its influences on adolescents.

Clarity rating: 4

The text is clear and should be relatively easy for the average undergraduate student to understand. Major terms and concepts are generally defined in context as you read each chapter, but definitional content could be better. A glossary would help with this. It may occasionally be challenging for students to differentiate major theories or concepts from examples and elaborations on those concepts.

The table of contents is very informative and aligns clearly with the layout of each chapter. Chapter layouts are consistent and easy to follow, making the text very easy to navigate. An index at the end of the text would be helpful for students looking for concepts that are not major chapter or sections headings.

The organization and presentation of chapters follows the unfolding of the human lifespan, so reordering the text is not likely to be necessary. Within each chapter, the text is easily divisible into smaller sections for reading or teaching.

Chapters are clear and logically organized. Presentation of chapter topics follows the unfolding of the human lifespan which is appropriate for a lifespan course. Some instructors might choose to reorder subtopics and sections within a chapter which could easily be done.

Interface rating: 4

The interface is smooth. You can click on chapter titles or subsections from the expanded table of contents to be linked directly to that section of the text. However, navigation within each chapter would be more smooth if the bookmark function was used in the left navigation bar to provide point and click navigation to each chapter and section as you read.

I did not notice any grammatical errors during my review.

There is a nice, if small, section on culture and development in chapter one, but this is not detailed. In several areas, the text touches on culture and diversity, and explores their impact on development. For example, the text brings up cultural influences on cognitive development and education, gender and gender identity, parenting behaviors, marriage practices, and many other areas. However, as with many introductory texts the predominant focus is on white-western culture which serves as the normative comparison point for other groups.

I would use this text for my introductory course in developmental psychology.

Reviewed by Elbert Davis, Assistant Professor, Marshall University on 12/17/21

This is a very in-depth textbook on lifespan development. The authors follow the lifespan from pre-birth to death. The theories are introducted in the first chapter, and are again discussed in the relevant developmental stage in future chapters.... read more

This is a very in-depth textbook on lifespan development. The authors follow the lifespan from pre-birth to death. The theories are introducted in the first chapter, and are again discussed in the relevant developmental stage in future chapters. There's not a glossary, but definitions are highlighted in purple when words are introduced.

The content of the textbook relies on factual information, providing references at the end of each chapter. Author bias was not observed. Errors were not evident.

This textbook would be easy to update. The chapters are broken into many different sections, which is reflected in the table of contents. While lifespan development is not a new concept, the authors included information on transgendered persons, which is not something usually discussed. That was refreshing to see.

The authors introduce jargon and new terminology by highlighting in purple. They also do a great job in breaking up text by using graphics and tables.

The chapters are arranged using the same basic framework, which makes it easier on the reader to know what to expect.

The authors use extensive subheadings to break up the material, as well as images and tables.

The topic of lifespan development makes it easier for organization. The authors started with pre-birth and discussed the various stages of development, inlcuding infancy, childhood, and adulthood, until death.

There was nothing confusing or distorted in the book. Navigation was easy. The subheadings in the table of contents were clickable, making it easy to navigate.

No graamatical errors were evident throughout the book.

Cultural diversity is woven into the chapters, as well as students with learning disabilites.

Reviewed by Lisamarie Bensman, Assistant Professor, Windward Community College on 12/12/21

This text includes all major areas of development that I would expect to find in a developmental text. The index at the beginning of the text is useful for a quick overview of what is in each chapter and can be used to jump to specific sections. ... read more

This text includes all major areas of development that I would expect to find in a developmental text. The index at the beginning of the text is useful for a quick overview of what is in each chapter and can be used to jump to specific sections. There isn’t a glossary, which has its positives and negatives. Glossaries can be super helpful in reminding students of what terminology means, but they can also provide students with an oversimplified idea of those concepts, so for me a glossary is not a deal breaker.

The content in the text is accurate and provides a solid introduction to development. I was particularly pleased with how the authors presented Freud, as they appropriately acknowledged his lasting contributions to development, as well as the limitations of his work, and did so without his presenting his unsupported, unscientific theory of psychosexual development followed by the usual disclaimer. Avoiding this standard but very flawed way that many developmental texts handle Freud set a tone early on that the authors thought carefully about the validity of the content that they included and would present only the most accurate, scientifically supported information. That trend appears to have continued throughout the text (with a few exceptions, please see comments on relevance).

The majority of the content appears to be as current as can reasonably be expected for any text and, in some places, even more current than would be expected (for instance, when I selected this text in 2019 it already included a small section on children in detention centers at the southern US border and the impact separation and stress has on children, as well as the APA’s opposition to family separations). There are a few places, particularly in regards to pregnant individuals in the second chapter and in regards to gender identity that language could be more inclusive and better reflect current research and understanding, but even then, the language and understandings used are not that out of date nor different from how many developmental texts approach these issues (I’m not saying this standard approach is a good thing, merely a common issue).

The writing in this text is clear and easy to follow. The style is a bit more formal than would be my ideal for my particular students, but it’s not overly formal in an off-putting way. The syntax is appropriate for college students of all levels.

The text is consistent in the framework and terminology used. As a developmental text, it follows a standard organizational format for each chapter (after the beginning two foundational chapters and minus the final chapter on death and dying). The authors clearly, consistently, and appropriately reference back to the same theories and concepts throughout each chapter (adding new developmental concepts and removing old concepts, as appropriate). They provide enough context each time that a past theory/concept is presented to remind students what the students already know without giving so much context that students feel like they are re-reading the same information over and over again.

The chapters in the text are a bit lengthy because they cover all areas of development within the chapter’s developmental time period. If desired, smaller sections within each chapter could be assigned using page numbers. But there’s only one link for the whole book, as opposed to separate links per chapter or section, so if you were going to assign sections within each chapter separately, you’d have to first figure out the page numbers and then students would have to navigate to those sections. This isn’t the end of the world, just like navigating to each chapter isn’t the end of the world, but it might be something you or your students find annoying. As this is a developmental textbook, I wouldn’t suggest doing the chapters or sections out of order (I’d say the same for any developmental text).

This text is well organized. It has one chapter per developmental time period with each chapter progressing from physical development to cognitive development and ending with social development. Putting all three areas of development into one chapter does make the chapters long, but students seem to think they have less reading this way than with development textbooks that do three chapters per developmental time period (i.e. one chapter per area). Within each chapter, the topic order makes sense and follows naturally.

Interface rating: 3

The interface for this book is okay. The text and images flow well together. There are no confusing breaks/blank spaces or distorted images. That being said, it’s not the easiest text to navigate. If you know what page you want or remember to use the table of contents at the beginning of the text (which does allow you to jump directly to a section), you’re all set. But if you’re in a chapter and want something else in that chapter, it’s a scroll till you find it or use ctrl-F a lot type situation. On the left-hand side of the .pdf are thumbnails of the pages, but a linked table of contents would be easier. That way, the sections and order of the chapter could be seen at a glance and, if linked, one could jump directly to the desired section.

There are no large grammatical errors of note. For the most part, the text reads well/easily. There are a few hiccups here and there, but nothing overwhelming, nor do the small issues happen enough to be off-putting or undermine confidence in content.

Cultural Relevance rating: 3

Based on the reviews, I expected more discussion of culture than I found in this text. Even the ‘issues in development’ section in chapter 1 is missing the question of whether development is universal or particularistic, an overarching question addressed in most developmental classes. That being said, there are some sections throughout the text that do mention the impact of culture. In a related vein, as far as diversity goes, while there is some diversity mentioned, there isn’t as much diversity as needed to reflect real life. Even the images selected skew highly Caucasian in many sections. This lack of diversity made the text less relevant to my students who are extremely diverse and might struggle to see themselves in the images and descriptions given.

Generally, I am satisfied with this text. I am currently finishing my fourth semester teaching with it. Students have reported that they find the book easy to read and engaging enough. I typically describe it as a solid text without the bells and whistles of the new for-purchase textbooks and that my students as a group get more out of this text that they can afford to read than they would out of a flashy, interactive text that few of them can afford to buy. I do recommend this text to other instructors.

Reviewed by Mary Ann Woodman, Adjunct Professor, Rogue Community College on 12/8/21

The content material in this book is very easy to read and well organized. It provides a comprehensive look at the stages of human growth over time including theoretical, methodological and historical approaches to lifespan development. Chapter 1:... read more

The content material in this book is very easy to read and well organized. It provides a comprehensive look at the stages of human growth over time including theoretical, methodological and historical approaches to lifespan development. Chapter 1: Introduction to Lifespan Development Chapter 2: Heredity, Prenatal Development, and Birth Chapter 3: Infancy and Toddlerhood Chapter 4: Early Childhood Chapter 5: Middle and Late Childhood Chapter 6: Adolescence Chapter 7: Emerging and Early Adulthood Chapter 8: Middle Adulthood Chapter 9: Late Adulthood Chapter 10: Death and Dying Each chapter presents physical development, cognitive development, and psychosocial (or social and emotional) development.

The information is historically accurate, unbiased and without error. It includes a balance of history and contemporary theories and concerns. The information in this text appears accurate, error-free, and unbiased. There is a great deal of content in each chapter from birth to death and all stages in between. Within each category of development, physical, cognitive, and psychosocial development is covered along with stories and examples to support the theories. It also contains links to other resources for students to consider as they study.

The book was completed in 2019, so it is up to date, written and arranged in a way that provides for updates in an easy and straightforward manner. An instructor can easily supplement the material with current issues relevant to the material presented in each stage of human development. The bibliography at the end is also helpful.

The authors writing style is lucid, easily accessible with college level terminology. The learning objectives make it easy for student outcomes and instructor assessment. It would be beneficial to include a glossary and make certain the PDF meets standards of accessibility according to federal legislation.

Each chapter is laid out in a developmental structure with sub-headings that make it consistent in framework. There are no inconsistencies in terminology. The bold vocabulary and italic definitions are a desirable feature and the print size very readable.

The text is organized well and additional material could be added without presenting disruption to the reader. Because the content is already 468 pages, a bit much for college students to absorb in one term, it might be wise to condense some of the material if new content is later added.

Birth to death in a linear fashion is the mark of a book focused on Lifespan Development and this one offers physiology, psychology, sociology and research to support the content. It is well organized in chapters with clear subheadings, and very easy to follow.

The images, graphs, charts and visuals support and enhance the written material very well. Many students are visual learners therefore, this component adds a great deal for understanding the concepts. There are no places that distract or confuse the reader.

There are no grammatical errors in this book.

Most of the chapters include cultural sensitivity of race, ethnicity, and gender concerns. There is a fair amount of information focused on family diversity, religious populations, gender roles and inclusivity.

It will be a gift to offer this textbook at our College as the current cost of textbooks has risen to levels quite unaffordable by our students. Much appreciation to the authors for their incredible efforts in providing this resource for Lifespan Development Courses.

Reviewed by Jeongwoon Jeong, Instructor, Fort Hays State University on 10/20/21

The overall text covers comprehensive ideas including basic and advanced concepts of theories. It would have been better if the text included index or glossary. read more

The overall text covers comprehensive ideas including basic and advanced concepts of theories. It would have been better if the text included index or glossary.

The text content is mostly standard and accurate.

The text content is mostly up-to-date and relevant to each subject with different resources.

The text is well written and is to understand; however, it could have better if the text is more clearly separated between subjects and theories

The text is internally consistent in terms of terminology and framework. They also well included tables and images for each theory or framework

I can say that the text has a high readability by including smaller reading sections.

The topics in the text are well organized by theories and others but some sections are not clear whether they are listed headings or sub-headings.

The text included appropriate images but I would recommend to have more vibrant images.

The text contains no grammatical errors.

Since diversity is very important in our society, I hope that the text included more about cultural perspective in each chapter and theories.

Reviewed by Keonya Booker, Associate Professor, College of Charleston on 9/15/21

This textbook analyzes the human lifespan from birth until death. Each chapter includes a discussion about the physical, cognitive, and psychosocial changes that can be expected at every developmental stage. The expanded table of contents lists... read more

This textbook analyzes the human lifespan from birth until death. Each chapter includes a discussion about the physical, cognitive, and psychosocial changes that can be expected at every developmental stage. The expanded table of contents lists all sub-headed sections, but a clear distinction between the three aforementioned categories would have been useful. Terms are in bold print and defined for the reader. The addition of a glossary would be helpful for students who wish to have particular terms organized in one place.

Overall, the textbook is accurate. There are few errors that would significantly change the meaningful content of the book. As an introductory textbook, the major theories of development are presented correctly and without bias.

This textbook juxtaposes classic developmental theory (e.g., Sociocultural, Constructivism, Behaviorism) that will not change, with more recent information that may have to be updated. For example, in the late adulthood chapter the leading causes of death in the wake of COVID will likely have to be revisited. It should be easy to make these revisions. Since the last update was in 2019, another version could address this.

The writing was clear and without filler. Jargon is left to a minimum and examples are provided to help the reader understand complex terms. At times there is an overwhelming amount of statistical references, which can result in a sea of parenthetical percentages that may be hard for students to move through.

Each lifespan stage has a section devoted to physical, cognitive, and psychosocial development. The textbook is consistent with respect to its terminology and framework. A list of fully cited references are provided at the conclusion of each chapter.

In its current state, the textbook is in a PDF format. While the table of contents provides page numbers, it would be preferable to have a more reader-friendly searchable function such as hyperlinked headers, or another way to go to a specific part of the text. As it stands right now, the reader has to seek and scroll. Also, each chapter is very dense, some at more than 40 pages. In a typical twice or thrice weekly class schedule, an instructor may have to assign sections and specific pages at a time.

As this is a developmental psychology textbook, the authors presented the human lifespan in a logical fashion. The physiological and social implications of each developmental stage are addressed.

Most of the images added to the reading experience; however, a few were distorted and unclear. Replacing these images would be helpful. The figures and tables illuminated important topical ideas and research findings.

Grammatical Errors rating: 4

There were a handful of grammatical errors, some of which were within a bolded, defined term. Another thorough editing of the textbook could eliminate this issue.

The authors presented the qualities of the human experience from multiple cultural perspectives. Beyond racial and gender diversity, attention was paid to LGBTQ+ communities, neurodivergent populations, and those who are differently abled. Research was presented that explored how humans make sense of their worlds in a diverse set of circumstances and from a unique identity perspective. The inclusion of images that depicted various multicultural groups was an important component as well.

Thank you to the authors for providing an open source alternative to a traditionally published textbook. I appreciate the time and effort it took to complete such a large project.

Reviewed by Cebrail Karayigit, Assistant Professor, Pittsburg State University on 4/22/21

This book is comprehensive, and includes chapters on each stage of the lifespan. The book covers not only cognitive domain, but also biosocial and psychosocial development, involving continuity and change. The book also analyze different... read more

This book is comprehensive, and includes chapters on each stage of the lifespan. The book covers not only cognitive domain, but also biosocial and psychosocial development, involving continuity and change. The book also analyze different developmental events from the perspective of the major theories of development (e.g. Erikson, Kohlberg). This book also provides a thorough understanding of the timing and sequence of development throughout the lifespan.

The content of this is accurate and consistent with most developmental levels. However, there are few things in emerging adulthood section that I do not believe are fully up-to-date (e.g. emerging adulthood has been proposed as a new life stage between 18-29 in recent literature). Emerging adulthood and Early Adulthood could be covered separately and in different chapters.

The book explains how research contributes to the understanding of development. Although information included is mostly relevant to each developmental level, I do not see any focus on how use of social media plays a crucial role in adolescents' and emerging adults' lives.

The information presented is written very clearly, and the book is easy to follow.

The book has a consistent format and structure. The chapters has good internal consistency.

Each chapter could include a separate domain (e.g. cognitive, biosocial, and psychosocial/emotional), so it would make it easy to focus on specific topics across different developmental levels.

While the book has a consistent and logical structure, it would be helpful if the subsections in each chapter were arranged according to specific domain such as cognitive, biosocial, and psychosocial aspect.

Information is presented in a way that makes it easy to read and navigate. The book contains a lot of figures, graphs, and seems like a good fit with the online format.

No major grammatical errors were detected.

Although few chapters focus on diversity (e.g. chapter 1 and 8), it would make it more effective if each chapter included a section that attempt to analyze different developmental events from the perspective of non-Western perspective.

Reviewed by Dr. Charlene Moore-Peterson, Adjunct Professor, Aiken Technical College on 3/16/21

This book covers all areas effectively as it relates to the subject of Lifespan. read more

This book covers all areas effectively as it relates to the subject of Lifespan.

Accuracy is error and is unbiased.

Content in this book is updated and easy and straightforward to implement effectively.

This book provides adequate context.

Great consistency.

This book is easily readily divisible; broken down inyo section is quite helpful.

Well organized.

The text is free of interface issues.

Little to no grammatical errors.

The text is not culturally insensitive and is not offensive in anyway. Culturally appropriate.

Reviewed by Emily Healy, Assistant Professor, Bunker Hill Community College on 2/9/21

This textbook provides a comprehensive look at human growth and development over the lifespan. It begins with an introductory chapter, which looks at theoretical approaches to studying lifespan development, different methodological approaches to... read more

This textbook provides a comprehensive look at human growth and development over the lifespan. It begins with an introductory chapter, which looks at theoretical approaches to studying lifespan development, different methodological approaches to lifespan development, as well as an overview of the different periods of development:

Chapter 1: Introduction to Lifespan Development Chapter 2: Heredity, Prenatal Development, and Birth Chapter 3: Infancy and Toddlerhood Chapter 4: Early Childhood Chapter 5: Middle and Late Childhood Chapter 6: Adolescence Chapter 7: Emerging and Early Adulthood Chapter 8: Middle Adulthood Chapter 9: Late Adulthood Chapter 10: Death and Dying

Each chapter and corresponding period of development is treated from different perspectives: physical development, cognitive development, and psychosocial (or social and emotional) development.

The information in this text is accurate, error-free, and unbiased. As a survey course, this book is tasked with covering a wide amount of information of the entire lifespan. The book looks at issues of heredity, prenatal development, birth, infancy and toddlerhood, early childhood, middle and late childhood, adolescence, emerging and early adulthood, middle adulthood, late adulthood, and death and dying. Within each category of development, physical, cognitive, and psychosocial (social-emotional) development is considered. Furthermore, each period of development includes special topics and categories that are more pertinent to those periods of development. For example, in the chapter on late adulthood, issues of retirement, neurocognitive disorders, elder abuse, and substance use disorders specifically in the elderly populations are treated. By contrast, in the chapter on adolescence, special topics include sexual development, eating disorders, and teenage drivers.

This book is likely to retain a high score in relevance in the coming decades. While it provides a wealth of information specific to each stage of lifespan development, the information is no so specific as though it will become obsolete or outdated quickly. This textbook provides a solid foundation upon which instructors and educators may build in relevant examples from current events. For example, in the chapter on middle and late childhood, while the topic of physical development is discussed and special topics of sports and childhood obesity are treated, an individual instructor can bring in information that is relevant and pertinent to the specific population in which he/she/they are teaching.

This text is written clearly, in an accessible manner, providing both context and working definitions for any technical terminology. The textbook introduces students to technical terminology used in the field of human growth and development in a scaffolded manner, where new concepts are introduced in appropriate context, are then defined. and the concepts are used in examples in order to improve reader comprehension. Each section of the chapter begins with the learning objectives for that particular section. The text utilizes headers and subheaders to clearly denote information organization. Vocabulary words are bolded and set in the text in purple, and definitions are in italics.

The textbook is organized in a consistent manner. Each chapter begins with an overview. Each section of the chapter contains a text box including learning objectives for that section. Each chapter (apart from the first introductory chapter) treats the subject matter from three broad domains or dimensions: 1. Physical development 2. Cognitive development 3. Psychosocial (social-emotional) development

Within the chapters, consistent formatting of headers and subheaders are used. It is a well-organized and highly navigable text overall, which is student-friendly.

On the whole, this text is easily divided into sections. Chapters do not run over into each other, as each chapter begins on a new page. The text also makes use of a consistent, predictable format, which makes it more predictable for the reader. The only drawback to the text that I have found with regard to its modularity is that it would be helpful if the three approaches (physical development, cognitive development, and psychosocial development) were also set apart. For my own classes, I treat physical and cognitive development on one day (or one week), and psychosocial development on another day (or week), and it is not readily divisible into these sections.

Overall, the organization of this text is clear and predictable. Each chapter is clearly listed, with topics clearly defined. Each section contains a set of learning objectives for that section. In addition, the chapters are organized in a repeating manner, then adding in topic-specific information for that particular stage of development.

The text is easily navigable, and is easily exported as a PDF (in the event that the instructor wishes to break the textbook down chapter-by-chapter for students, such as in an online learning environment where different topics are treated on a week-to-week basis).

The text is very culturally sensitive. Pictures in the text depict a wide array of diverse racial, ethnic, and religious populations (for example: BIPOC, Muslim individuals, etc.). Furthermore, discussions of special topics within chapters are treated from a multitude of perspectives. For example, in the section on religion, a wide variety of faith traditions are treated, rather than singling out one perspective. Furthermore, in the section on family units, different formulations of families (including step- and blended- families, as well as LBGT families) are included.

Reviewed by Jacqueline McMillion-Williams, Adjunct Professor, Bunker Hill Community College on 1/31/21, updated 2/1/21

For a course on developmental psychology, this text provides appropriate coverage of all areas of the lifespan. The table of contents provides an effective index in both short and long form. Key words are bold and defined within the text, but... read more

For a course on developmental psychology, this text provides appropriate coverage of all areas of the lifespan. The table of contents provides an effective index in both short and long form. Key words are bold and defined within the text, but there is not a glossary at the end of the text.

Accurate information about theory and application with diverse perspectives of the lifespan. Theory presented within a historical context with examples of life lived in a variety of circumstances that influence development.

There is a clear timeline of theory formation, historical context, and application to current society and with recent data. The arrangement of the text, with clear citations and reference information at the end of each chapter allows data to be easily located and updated. This is also true of the use of current slang; reflective of the time and society the text is written within, but also easy to locate and update.

From my perspective, the audience for this book is students and as such, a benefit of this book in comparison to those I have used in the past, is the use of common and approachable language. There is an appropriate use of jargon so the reader can place it in context. Although the text is clearly academic, it tells a clear story about development that engages the reader.

From the beginning, there is a clear framework of development for the reader to follow. Contents of each chapter and use of terminology stays consistent with the framework.

Authors divide the content of the textbook into sections that are logical for a comprehensive overview of the lifespan. Content is easy to divide into weekly readings or modules for student consumption and learning. Teachers could choose to assign in the original order or rearrange content by preference. Simultaneously the sections can be pulled out to be used a supplements for study in other courses on the lifespan such as early childhood, child psychology or adolescence and adult. You could also choose to restructure content to provide individual overviews of each theory.

Authors present topics in a logical sequence as chapters and subtopics are sections of each chapter. This makes the text easy to follow and annotate.

The textbook does not have any interface issues. It has appropriate headings to divide sections. Images and charts are clearly visible in color and black & white. Images are in appropriate locations that provide illustration of information. Alignment with text is complimentary.

I did not locate any grammatical errors in the text.

Text includes culturally relevant and sensitive examples of a variety of backgrounds (race, ethnicity, and sexual orientation) as well as about various aspects of biological, psychological and social influences on normalized development in a manner that may challenge students to rethink what is normal.

My use of this text with students is just beginning. Initial adoption occurred based on a recommendation from other faculty. Overall, the text is more up to date and culturally diverse than past texts I have used for similar and the same course. I would have liked some supplementary materials, but given the electronic format of the text, I have not found it difficult to create my own.

Reviewed by Meagan Docherty, Assistant Professor, Bowling Green State University on 12/15/20

This book is comprehensive, and includes chapters on each stage of the lifespan, as well as an introductory chapter with information on the lifespan perspective, theories, and research. Each chapter includes the major developmental changes and... read more

This book is comprehensive, and includes chapters on each stage of the lifespan, as well as an introductory chapter with information on the lifespan perspective, theories, and research. Each chapter includes the major developmental changes and tasks associated with physical, cognitive, and socioemotional development. The table of contents is very detailed, and provides information on subheadings within each chapter.

This textbook is more accurate than others I've looked into using. It provides information on historical research and theory, while also providing a more contemporary perspective, and indicating when findings may be culture-dependent.

I think the content generally appears to be up to date, and includes more contemporary perspectives and recent research findings.

This book is written in a clear, simple style that I think would work well for undergraduate classes. New terms are introduced and explained clearly.

The book appears to be consistent in its approach and framework, including concepts covered and terms used.

With maybe a few exceptions, the text is generally broken up into several subheadings, making it easy to use certain sections on their own or reorganize material if needed.

I think overall the book is organized very well. Other lifespan psychology books tend to break chapters up into subsections for physical, cognitive, and social and emotional development, and it's my impression that undergraduate students appreciate that distinction, so it may help for a later edition of this book to adopt that organization.

Overall I think the book is laid out very well, but some of the charts and images appear to be low quality or dated. I like that there are links to sources embedded in chapters, but overall it does not have the same production quality that undergraduate students may be used to with current e-books.

I did not notice any grammatical errors in my reading of the book.

Overall I think the book does a good job of being inclusive and highlighting different cultural perspectives while being sensitive and appropriate.

I like the material covered in the book, and I think it would provide a good amount of breadth and depth for an undergraduate lifespan course. I think if the production quality was even higher, it would make the book even easier to adopt.

Reviewed by Amy Clinard, Assistant Professor, Bunker Hill Community College on 12/14/20, updated 12/18/20

The Table of Contents itemizes lifespan development just in terms of the stages of the lifespan (infancy, early childhood, etc.) and does not further itemize based on domains which many other textbooks do (physical, cognitive, psychosocial). ... read more

The Table of Contents itemizes lifespan development just in terms of the stages of the lifespan (infancy, early childhood, etc.) and does not further itemize based on domains which many other textbooks do (physical, cognitive, psychosocial). Although the full table of contents does provide an exhaustive list of specific topics covered within each of those lifespan stages, it might have been better to have those topics itemized by domains.

I very much appreciated the level of accuracy and the unbiased nature of this textbook. It is clear that the authors were deliberate in integrating multiple diverse perspectives into their work. I have not found any major content errors.

This textbook is notably up-to-date and contains many timely, current and important conversations that are not always found in textbooks. It would seem that any necessary updates will be easily implemented as a result.

This textbook is written in a way that is clear, accessibly, and ELL friendly. It clearly identifies, defines and explains psychological jargon and technical terms in a way that is easily understood by the reader.

The text is exceptionally consistent with terminology and framework.

Due to the fact that this textbook only contains a few chapters (based on the stages of the lifespan such as infancy, early childhood, etc.), and is not broken down further into developmental domains (physical, cognitive, psychosocial growth), it can make it slightly challenging to identify and assign smaller reading assignments without referencing specific page numbers.

The topics presented within this textbook flow nicely, and are organized in a logical manner for the reader.

There are no interface issues within this text such as navigation issues, distortions of images, etc. I would add that some of the images included within this textbook are slightly rudimentary (black and white, with limited detail or visual interest) and may benefit from some more interesting components.

There are no grammatical errors within this text.

I would say that this is a major strength of this textbook. In my experience, many other textbooks contain a limited amount of perspectives and/or inclusion of diverse ideas. This particular book is intentional in terms of including diverse perspectives, local AND global issues, and is relevant and meaningful to all students as a result.

Reviewed by Joshua Becker, Professor of Psychology, Greenfield Community College on 6/30/20

The text itself is comprehensive, with each topic organized into logical and interesting sub-topics. The sub-topics are written comprehensively in easy-to-digest paragraphs. There is no glossary or index, however. read more

The text itself is comprehensive, with each topic organized into logical and interesting sub-topics. The sub-topics are written comprehensively in easy-to-digest paragraphs. There is no glossary or index, however.

The information in this text is accurate, current, and relatively bias-free. Good (brief) section in Early Childhood on transgender kids, for example.

This text has a good balance of grand theories and current research. It will (like all texts) require continual revising as new theories emerge and new areas of focus become important for developmental psychologists.

The writing is clear and understandable.

Good internal consistency!

This is a strength of this text. Each subsection can be used on its own, or part of the whole.

Overall, the text is well organized, though I think I would prefer a text that has more layers of organization. This text has 10 chapters, each with numerous sub-headings, but without clear delineations between domains of development.

I did enjoy the interface - though this is essentially one long PDF document, which may be confusing or problematic for some students.

Nice writing!

The text includes weaves in topics related to several lenses of identity, including race, class, sexualities, and gender identity. It does not challenge, however, the enduring structures of oppression in the field of psychology and society at large - though this is probably considered outside the scope of developmental psychology.

I enjoyed the text! I would consider adapting it if I could find ancillary materials.

Reviewed by Kevin Duquette, Assistant Professor, Bridgewater State University on 6/22/20

Very clearly laid out with ten chapters ranging from prenatal to death. Table of contents acts also as an index of sorts, with specific topics within each stage clearly defined and page numbers provided. Could benefit from a glossary (either at... read more

Very clearly laid out with ten chapters ranging from prenatal to death. Table of contents acts also as an index of sorts, with specific topics within each stage clearly defined and page numbers provided. Could benefit from a glossary (either at the end of each chapter or at the end of the text as a whole) and/or separate index for concepts that are present throughout multiple chapters.

An overall comprehensive view of development with special consideration for culture and diversity. Text also discusses how views have changed over time (e.g., in relation to intellectual disabilities; gender roles, etc.), and uses the most current terms. Text also provides information on many developmental theories (as opposed to pigeonholing information to few), and continually spirals back to these topics to reinforce them. A few small errors (e.g., “tabula rosa” instead of “tabula rasa”, pg. 16), but by and large information is up to date, and clearly explained.

All information is up to date, and uses current citations. Authors also did a great job with citing and providing sources as well so that readers can find additional information on topics from the primary sources. In addition to current parenthetical citations, the writers provide context to let the reader know when the data were taken, which allows a more informed understanding of the numbers provided. Authors show data trends over time that will be easy to update as newer data are published.

One area where there could be additional relevant information would be in regards to substance use, and the recent legalization of marijuana across U.S. states and Canada, and how this legalization may affect understanding and interventions related to marijuana and other substance use.

Writing is very accessible, and clear. Jargon terms are defined as part of the text and the flow of the book as a whole is logical. Main topics (i.e., developmental theories) are revisited and applied to specific life stages with relevant examples to connect to larger themes.

Major concepts are revisited in each chapter, and examples for application of knowledge are given. Further, the formatting itself is consistent, leading to an overall clean and intuitive look. Authors are also consistent with the use of discussion questions for each chapter.

Very well organized. Great use of headings, subheadings, bold, italics, color, and other formatting to break up ideas into intuitive sections. The chapters are broken up logically based on developmental periods. Could have benefited from additional focus specifically on early adolescence considering the importance of this stage of life (relative to others—similar to how the text broke up childhood into early ‘childhood’, and ‘middle & late childhood’)

Clear organization throughout. Good use of boxes, figures, graphs, etc. to enhance understanding and draw readers’ attention to important concepts or illustrations. Logically sequenced chapters and sections.

Very well-organized and good use of images/charts to enhance understanding. Text provides links to images, graphs, references for further reading, which enhances the interactivity of the text. Text would benefit from the ability to “jump” to chapters or sub-sections by clicking on that particular section in the table of contents.

Aside from the aforementioned “tabula rosa” being used instead of “tabula rasa” (p.16), this book reads well and is grammatically sound.

Shows appreciation and consideration of the effect of culture and intersectional identity on development. Provides international perspectives on development as well. The only criticism would be that the vast majority of the images used are of white people.

Solid text. Rivals books that are $100+.

Reviewed by Sandra Gilliland, Associate Professor, Louisiana State University of Alexandria on 4/20/20

This 468 page book covers all of the major stages and domains of development. The book begins with a detailed overview of the field of lifespan development and then goes into great depth on the common issues and areas of interest for each major... read more

This 468 page book covers all of the major stages and domains of development. The book begins with a detailed overview of the field of lifespan development and then goes into great depth on the common issues and areas of interest for each major stage.

The book appears to provide information from various perspectives allowing the student/reader to apply critical thinking to evaluate each topic.

This book was published in 2017, the majority of references are less than 10 years old. The topics are covered with several recent examples but also uses many of the historically popular studies that will remain relevant (for example Harlow's work on attachment).

This was actually my favorite part of the book. I found it very easy to read and feel as though my students would as well.

The book builds on some of the most reputable theories in lifespan development (Piaget, Erikson, Vygotsky).

Modularity rating: 3

I like that each stage of development is covered in separate chapters but it also results in very long chapters. For example chapter 3 is 44 pages long. That is a lot for students to digest so I would need to assign page numbers instead of chapters.

I like the breakdown of chapters into the developmental stages.

The book downloaded as a free PDF, no problems navigating.

No issues with grammar were noted.

Text and images appears to represent a wide arrange of different cultures.

The length of this book is a little intimidating but the content is excellent.

Reviewed by Masami Takahashi, Professor, Northeastern Illinois University on 4/5/20

This is a very comprehensive Lifespan Developmental Psychology textbook (465 pgs). It covers not only psychology but also a fair amount of biology as well, and almost any other topis I can think of including relatively up-to-date research... read more

This is a very comprehensive Lifespan Developmental Psychology textbook (465 pgs). It covers not only psychology but also a fair amount of biology as well, and almost any other topis I can think of including relatively up-to-date research findings. However, one may say that it is good for neither one thing nor the other. Although comprehensive, this book lacks details in theory and data for upper level Developmental Psychology courses for our Psych majors. The book simply scratches the surface of many topics. On the other hand, there is simply too much information for our Gen Ed Human Development. What this means is that the instructors are required to work quite a bit before adopting it for a particular course, at least initially (e.g., finding supplemental readings for our majors, selecting small portions of this textbook appropriate for our Gen Ed students, etc.).

It is accurate for the topics it covers, but the discussions are often limited in details for the Psych majors.

Content is relatively up-to-date. However. with any textbook with cutting-edge research evidence, it is inevitable that that part of the book will require further editing in the near future.

It is clearly written and readable for any level of undergrads.

I noticed several sections with duplication (i.e., cut/paste) that needs editing

For those instructors who are adopting a part of this book (e.g., easy sections for Intro Developmental), it would be helpful if the subsections in each chapter were numbered (2-1, 2-2, etc.) so that they can be specified in the syllabus.

Organization/Structure/Flow rating: 2

I like the fact that the References are provided not at the end of the book but immediately after each chapter. This allows the readers an easier access to the references if needed. Personally, however, I prefer a topic by topic (rather than chronological) arrangement of the chapters.

There are lots of Figures (mostly photographs from public domains) throughout the book that do not have any caption. I couldn’t tell what these pictures were for.

Good. Readable.

It includes a fair amount of cross-cultural studies

Having presented pros and cons above, would I adopt this book? Yes, I would for my Gen Ed course. That means after thoroughly reading this book, I have to handpick those sections that are general enough for the freshman/sophomore students, specify the pg numbers in syllabus, and align the contents with the exams that I already have for the course.

Reviewed by Linde Althaus, Psychology Instructor, Minnesota State University System on 3/8/20

This book covers all of the age groups covered in a lifespan class, but consolidates some age groups to lengthy chapters. read more

This book covers all of the age groups covered in a lifespan class, but consolidates some age groups to lengthy chapters.

The book appears to be straight-forward and accurate. Several topics could use up-dating and it surprised me that it was last updated in 2019.

The photos seemed dated and some of the topics could be refreshed, but it did not impact my perception of the book as a whole.

Topics were clearly written and were approachable to a reader.

The writing and terminology appears to be consistent throughout the text.

The chapters were long and I feel like it may be difficult to divide into modules. I'm not sure how I would assign the readings in a fully online class if I adapted this text.

This is a book organized from birth to death, which is how I like to teach Lifespan. Someone who teaches a topical approach would struggle using this text.

You have to scroll through the text to find your page. There are not easy ways to jump to various sections of the text. I wanted to read particular sections that I feel are my areas of expertise and I found it cumbersome.

What I read appears correct and well-written.

Some of the pictures are culturally diverse, but I would like more examples and descriptions of other cultures within the text.

I appreciate that this book is available, but I am hesitant to adopt it at the moment. If it was updated, made easier to navigate and more cultural diversity was added, I would definitely switch.

Reviewed by Pamela L. Parent, Associate Professor (Adjunct), J. Sargeant Reynolds Community College on 1/14/20

The text was comprehensive and well-planned. Addresses major concepts and theories with numerous online links to facilitate further inquiry. read more

The text was comprehensive and well-planned. Addresses major concepts and theories with numerous online links to facilitate further inquiry.

Accurate content with good coverage of material. Commendable addition of inclusion of some “nontraditional” areas in developmental psychology.

Good use is made of numerous and diverse live links allowing readers to access various resources.

Written in a clear and coherent manner with some excellent examples. Content was presented in a manner that made it useful to varying levels of learners.

Chapters are well-structured and organized in a clear manner throughout.

Chapters contain logical sections with subheadings. Developmental Psychology lends itself well to a chronological format as used in this text.

Well-organized with consistency in addressing domains. Chapter sections well-segmented.

This text worked well with the online format. Contains numerous helpful graphs, diagrams, etc.

Grammatical errors were not apparent however a few spelling errors that one would hope would have been caught on review - “constructivitst’ and “constrctivist” in the same sentence cluster.

This book consistently incorporated attention to diversity. The unique influences of various cultures on developmental stages was well-addressed.

A comprehensive textbook that works well as an OER. I am intrigued by the possibility of using this as my primary text.

Reviewed by Elizabeth Becker, Senior Instructor II, Eastern Oregon University on 1/4/20, updated 1/15/20

The text covers a wide range of topics related to development, including current trends and issues. read more

The text covers a wide range of topics related to development, including current trends and issues.

The text is accurate and includes a large number of references. It also includes important critiques of major theorists.

The structure of this text will allow it to be easily updated and continue to address important trends and issues.

Educational Psychology texts are often written with dense academic language that makes it a challenge for students to easily process and understand. This OER is written in a way that makes the information more accessible to students and will help keep their interest.

There is a consistent format and structure used throughout the text.

While the overall organization of the text is through chronological age, each chapter addresses many of the same topics in a way that would make it easy to focus on specific topics across different ages/chapters.

The text follows a consistent and logical organization.

The material is presented in a fashion that makes it easy to read and navigate.

No major grammatical errors or patterns were detected.

This text specifically addresses cultural differences related to the topics at hand in a way that is respectful and will help anyone working with a variety of cultures in the classroom.

Reviewed by Amy Hammond, Associate Professor/Dept Chair, Centenary College of Louisiana on 12/30/19

Very comprehensive! All the major concepts and ideas are addressed, although sometimes briefly (as is necessary in a lifespan text). read more

Very comprehensive! All the major concepts and ideas are addressed, although sometimes briefly (as is necessary in a lifespan text).

On the whole, the content is accurate and consistent with most developmental texts. There are elements in the pre-natal development section (particularly around teratogens) that I do not believe are fully up-to-date and provide inaccurate or misleading information.

Content is highly relevant to the topic. While there are some topics that some would consider “supplemental” throughout, there is enough variety that individual instructors can tailor inclusion of these materials as they desire.

Material is presented in a clear and coherent manner throughout the text.

The structure within in chapter reflects consistent approaches to the material. The writing and thoughtfulness is consistently strong throughout.

Organization and structure lend themselves to including or excluding various elements as one chooses. Major sections are easily identified and segmented.

The overall organization is very good for a chronological developmental text. Within chapters, there is a consistent organization of physical, then cognitive, then psychosocial issues and within these sections, when relevant, consistencies in the order of presentation of theories and concepts.

Learning Objectives in each chapter were clear, if exclusively at the lower levels of Bloom’s Taxonomy. I found the use of headings within chapters to be difficult to follow. It wasn’t always easy to see which sections where sub-sections of which ideas. Overall, this text is less visually “fun” than the big publisher versions, however, it is full of colorful photos, relevant graphs and diagrams.

Excellent! This text is easy to read, but is still written in an appropriate manner for lower-level college students.

There is excellent coverage of ideas for a United States audience relevant to US-centric concerns (for example, there are very good sections on LGBTQIA issues). However, mention of topics outside a US context are somewhat thin (especially in the first half of the text). To be fair, this reflects weaknesses in the field more generally (which are slowly being rectified). There is more comprehensive consideration of cross-cultural issues in later chapters. The prenatal development section felt somewhat maternal-blaming. While there were some explicit mentions that environmental factors were important, there was strong implication that most things which could go wrong were the “fault” of the mother. Nothing was explicitly stated in this way, but I felt there was too little explicit and implicit acknowledgement of the randomness that can sometimes cause less-than-ideal outcomes during pregnancy and birth.

I am grateful to our colleagues who have worked to put together this excellent resource! And in particular that you have chosen to make it available in a way that invites ongoing use/changes/updates! It allows me to use the many, many, MANY wonderful elements and tweak the few things that are not quite my personal pedagogical approach. I anticipate adopting this text next year!

Reviewed by Sara Fier, Professor, Minnesota State University System-Southwest Minnesota State University on 12/30/19

The book provided good coverage of developmental psychology concepts. There was no index or glossary included, although the fact that the book is in an electronic format makes this less problematic than for a hard copy book. read more

Comprehensiveness rating: 3 see less

The book provided good coverage of developmental psychology concepts. There was no index or glossary included, although the fact that the book is in an electronic format makes this less problematic than for a hard copy book.

The book seemed to present information accurately and presented multiple theories/perspectives on topics without getting too technical/detailed.

The book covers developmental psychology historical information and developmental basics well. More recent research is incorporated as well. The book's format seems to allow for updates to be easily made.

The book is easy to understand. In some cases illustrative examples help explain concepts that may be new to the reader. The reader would benefit from the use of additional examples.

The book's internal consistency is good, with chapters being organized in a similar format.

Developmental psychology allows for ease of modularity, and this text uses a chronological lifespan format.

The book was organized in the typical developmental psycology chronological format and then further broken down within each chapter by developmental domain: physical, cognitive, social. That was easy to follow. As future editions of the book lead to revisions within each domain, domain-specific organization and transitions can be reconsidered.

Navigation of the book was easy and seemed to work well in the electronic format. No display issues were noted.

Grammatical Errors rating: 3

The book had grammatical/typographical errors comparable in number to published textbooks.

A variety of examples were provided related to diversity of race, ethnicity, and background. Authors should continuously strive to enhance incorporation of these topics into books.

I appreciate the authors making this book available. I look forward to using it as a devopmental psychology text.

Reviewed by Diane Bordenave, Associate Professor, SUNO on 11/9/19

The text covers lifespan development content from birth until death. There is an Table of Contents with chapter sections and page numbers for reference. read more

The text covers lifespan development content from birth until death. There is an Table of Contents with chapter sections and page numbers for reference.

I found no grammatical errors, bias or inaccurate content.

The content of the textbook should become more and more relevant as the country recognizes the importance of understanding and responding to the needs of an aging generation of baby boomers. For the most part, content has been more focused on early childhood and infant development. When comparing the content to older lifespan development textbooks, I did not see many issues where changes in a short period of time were necessary for updating the text. For the most part, issues of development covered here have remained relatively unchanged over time. Particularly in an introductory survey course, more in-depth analysis of changes and consequences such as those resulting from science or technology, are not expected here but can be further explored in graduate or higher level specialized courses on a topic.

The textbook is written at a level appropriate for the students at my HBCU, many of whom are first generation college students. Terminology, when used, is defined. Figures and Tables assist in interpreting the prose.

The terminology and framework in the text is internally consistent and is particularly suited to a lifespan approach. It helps to understand the continuity of life from birth to death and how earlier stages of development impact later ones when the terminology and framework are consistent.

I would have preferred that the text was divided into more chapters than 10 to better align with a typical semester of 15 weeks. Students tend to understand and work better on a chapter by chapter basis than on subsections in my experience.

After a well written introduction, the text presented the chapter is a logical fashion that followed the normal human developmental process from birth to aging/death.

I was able to both view the textbook online and download it and make a copy. I had no interface, navigational or display feature problems in either context. I intend to offer this textbook in an online format.

I found no grammatical errors, and I am a stickler for that in the academic setting.

I teach at an HBCU with mainly non-traditional students so cultural sensitivity is important to me in choosing content. The cover of the textbook is of a diverse family which is immediately welcoming. In the chapter are other culturally diverse images such as in Figure 1.1.

I have adopted this book for my Spring 2020 course CDFS 303 Lifespan Development in the Family. I am happy to give the students the benefit of not having to purchase an expensive textbook, which many of them were unable to do, and still benefit from the readings. I have recommended this book to my colleagues as well.

Reviewed by Sarah McEwan, Assistant Professor, Marian University on 11/4/19

This text addresses all aspects of human growth and development that I cover in my course. read more

This text addresses all aspects of human growth and development that I cover in my course.

This text is accurate up to its published date, 2017.

Published in 2017, so relatively up to date, but there's always few opportunities for updates here and there.

This text is quite user friendly and quick to read.

The text has solid internal consistency.

This book covers all the basics, but just the basics. This text does not contain a lot of additional fluff that other texts contain.

This text was well organized.

No issues with navigation.

I found no grammatical issues.

The text does a fine job covering the basics, but the field of psychology in general has a ways to go to become inclusive.

I chose this text for an accelerated course- I needed a book that accurately and concisely covered all my key concepts, which this did. However, this text did not have as many opportunities/ asides to provide further reading for students interested in specific areas as I have seen in other textbooks. If you are looking for fluff, this is not your textbook. However, I intend on continuing to use this text in my accelerated classes, as it was perfect for a quick overview that my students could manage in a short amount of time.

Reviewed by Allie Chroust, Assistant Professor, East Tennessee State University on 4/21/19

The textbook covers human development across the lifespan. It is presented in the chronological framework. Each chapter provides an in-depth look at that stage of development. However, there is no glossary of key terms or index. Students would... read more

The textbook covers human development across the lifespan. It is presented in the chronological framework. Each chapter provides an in-depth look at that stage of development. However, there is no glossary of key terms or index. Students would have to rely on the search text feature of their PDF reader.

To the best of my knowledge, the information presented within the textbook is accurate. The one area for improvement in relational to accuracy would be the updating some of the sections to use more inclusive terminology (e.g., Children with Disabilities, p. 176).

The textbook is was last revised in 2017. I did come across one or two content areas that should have been updated for the latest edition (e.g., Box 2.3 on p. 50--the Tennessee Law has since been changed; Figure 1.18 p. 2006--it would be very easy to update the years on the basic figure as the years do not relate to any specific study it is simply a schematic of research design).

The textbook is written at a level that lower-level undergraduate students can understand.

Terminology and framework is consistent throughout textbook.

The text is divided into 10 chapters. There are subsections within each chapter if the instructor wishes to break up readings assignments into smaller chunks.

Chronological presentation of human development.

Textbook is easy to navigate within your PDF reader. Tables and Figures are clear. Each hyperlink I tested within the textbook worked properly.

No to minimal grammatical errors.

The textbook does an adequate job describing that human development occurs in variety of contexts, one of those contexts being culture. However, the textbook could provide a more in-depth description of the impact of culture on various developmental concepts. For example, the textbook frequently states, "in some cultures, ...." but, more often then not, textbook does not describe the different patterns of behavior or specify what culture is being referenced.

It is great to have an open textbook aimed at lifespan development however I would like to see a few improvements to make it more competitive against the ebooks for-profit publishers are providing: 1) glossary of terms and/or definitions in the margins 2) improved figures and creation of figure captions 3) inclusion of examples of applications of concepts that show students how the information can be directly applied to various careers 4) hyperlinks within the text--for example if students click on one of the learning objectives at the beginning of the chapter, they are taken to the section of that chapter that addresses that specific objective. 5) inclusion of reading comprehension questions for students to check themselves on before moving on to next section.

Reviewed by Patrick Smith, Associate Professor, Thomas Nelson Community College on 3/21/19

The comprehensiveness of the textbook is interesting, as there are only ten chapters. In other words, the authors pack a great deal of information into each chapter. This book covers all of the requisite topics for an introductory or survey... read more

The comprehensiveness of the textbook is interesting, as there are only ten chapters. In other words, the authors pack a great deal of information into each chapter. This book covers all of the requisite topics for an introductory or survey developmental psychology course.

This is an introductory level textbook, so specific research found in higher level courses would be missing. For the most part, this text covers the basics well, and any inaccuracies are negligible and can be overcome with good discussion.

The thoroughness of the coverage, which is a strength, makes this text very relevant to get a good discussion of actual human development going.

This textbook is very easy to read and follow. Any technical terms and theoretical concepts are well defined and illustrated within an applicable context.

There is no real individual psychological perspectives evident here beyond the basic introduction to this context of human psychology. For this reason, all areas of the human lifespan get fair coverage and presentation.

With a lifespan development course, it is easier to present material that can be discussed as physical, cognitive, or socioemotional. This textbook is divided by stage of life alone. For this reason, it may be difficult to separate chapters into smaller reading sections easily.

The text follows a nice, logical pathway through the human lifespan with a pretty strong connection between stages of development.

Technically, the presentation of the textbook comes without flaw.

There is no consistently evident problem with grammatical errors.

There is a pleasant focus on diversity and inclusion in both the text and the illustrations. There is some attempt to apply the principles discussed beyond the dominant culture of America, without this being forced and artificial.

I would highly recommend this textbook for an introductory, 200-level developmental psychology course. It hits all the right points and is engaging enough to stimulate some good class discussions.

Reviewed by Natalie Danner, Assistant Professor, Western Oregon University, Open Oregon Educational Resources on 3/20/19

This textbook is VERY comprehensive and covers lifespan development from prenatal development to death and dying. There is a very detailed Table of Contents; making it easy to find age groupings, theories, or concepts in development. There is no... read more

This textbook is VERY comprehensive and covers lifespan development from prenatal development to death and dying. There is a very detailed Table of Contents; making it easy to find age groupings, theories, or concepts in development. There is no glossary, which would be helpful to find mentions of a specific term. Overall this textbook covers a great deal of material, without delving into the topic of atypical development.

The developmental theories and definitions were accurate.

Most of the content is still current, and the publication dates for this text is 2017. However there is an emphasis on Howard Gardener's Multiple Intelligence theory in Chapter 5 which has much research against it currently. Rather in the field we now advocate for more of a Universal Design for Learning (UDL) approach or a multi-sensory/hands-on approach to learning. Neither of which are mentioned in the text.

This text would be easy to read and accessible for an undergraduate course in child/adolescent/lifespan development.

Yes, this text is internally consistent.

I plan on using only several chapters of this textbook for a focus on child development ages 3-elementary; chapters 1, 4, and 5. These chapters do make sense on their own and will work as good content for my child development course. However, I wished that the theories that were mentioned, a few in each chapters, either could have all been combined in one chapter, or were easier to pull for individual readings for an online course.

Other than the theories, the book moves in a linear fashion from prenatal development to death and dying. Theories are interspersed in a variety of chapters.

It was easy for me to navigate through the textbook. Images and charts were clear.

This textbook used accurate grammar and writing conventions.

Cultural Relevance rating: 2

The book does not mention cultural diversity, cultural bias, diversity of children and families, and other key topics needed in a child development text. Supplemental material will be needed to focus on this subject.

Reviewed by Laura Lawn, Adjunct Faculty, Chemeketa Community College on 3/5/19

On the whole, the book is very comprehensive, though there were a few places where it could have used a bit more. I did not see much on atypical development outside early childhood years which would be beneficial to include. It would also be... read more

On the whole, the book is very comprehensive, though there were a few places where it could have used a bit more. I did not see much on atypical development outside early childhood years which would be beneficial to include. It would also be nice to see a wider range of cultural studies. The text does not utilize a glossary, but the words are defined in the chapters and you can search the document if using as an e-book to find words which is even easier than a traditional glossary. Though if a student wants to print out the text, a glossary would be helpful.

This textbook is a straightforward discussion of human life span development which, as a field, is always growing. This book is largely current and accurate, but there should be updates as some references are older. Though the information is presented without bias and with references for further research.

The book is current and mostly up to date (as of 2019), though some of the references are a bit old. It worked when the authors were using the original work for a theory but other sources could be updated. For example, the media and development section didn’t touch social media. Including some of the newer studies would increase relevance to the technological age we are in.

The text is clear, easy to read, and understandable while still providing in-depth information. The graphics helped to clarify ideas, especially when explaining or comparing theories.

The look and feel of the text hold consistency through the document. Chapters were presented with continuing themes (such as Erikson’s stages in each life stage) and all work is referenced.

This text is sectioned into logical chunks that can be taught individually or in conjunction with each other. You do not need to read one chapter to understand the following one meaning the book could be taught any number of different ways to match with a variety of courses.

The book is organized into age periods, which is the way I think about the course information, though not the way I have always seen it presented in a text. So, the overall organization matched my thinking quite nicely. This organization also makes it easy to break the text into sections if the entire life span is separated over multiple classes (for example, if someone taught birth through adolescence only).

The text is pleasant to look at with calming colors and a variety of images and graphics that represent cultural diversity. There are no digital or navigational issues with the book.

I did not find any grammatical errors or issues.

The text is not offensive or insulting to any group and handles discussions of differences well. There are some representations of cultures and ages, though this book would benefit from a wider range of faces in images and of experimental studies conducted by / for nonwhite populations.

Reviewed by Francesca Kendris, Associate Professor, Bloomsburg University of Pennsylvania on 2/27/19

The book is quite comprehensive. It addresses all developmental milestones and the major theories that accompany them. It provides appropriate depth to each topic and offers a thorough explanation of the subject. The book does not possess an... read more

The book is quite comprehensive. It addresses all developmental milestones and the major theories that accompany them. It provides appropriate depth to each topic and offers a thorough explanation of the subject. The book does not possess an index and/or glossary but defines all terminology in each chapter.

The book is accurate, error-free and unbiased. It is a straightforward presentation of Lifespan material in and objective and researched light. There are references at the end of each chapter to support the context of the text. There are no attempts to persuade the reader into to thinking that there is a correct or incorrect way to think about the material presented in each chapter. It is factual and the facts are supported by multiple references in most cases.

Relevance/Longevity rating: 3

The content is currently up-to-date (as of 2/2019). There are a variety of references provided for the material presented. Some of the references are current and some are rather dated. In some cases the authors went to the original source for a theory or study, which is fine for most clearly presenting the idea; however, at other times the references for material in the text were from the 1980's or 1990's and could soon be or already be considered obsolete. On the bright side, the material is written in such a way that it should not be difficult to up-date this text with more modern references throughout the book.

The book is very clear and written in easily understandable terms. Everything is defined and explained in a thorough manner for most undergraduate readers. Yet, it is sophisticated enough that I am planning on adopting it for my graduate human development course. This is because while it defines most terms and explains most theories, it does so in such a way that it provides enough depth to substantiate the theory or term presented.

This book is presented in order of development from pre-birth to old age and dying, touching upon milestones and developmental considerations along the way. It is internally sound and all work is referenced and themes are carried from chapter to chapter. For example, Erikson's Psychosocial Stages are presented in each chapter, as well as physical aspects of development. As noted earlier, all terminology is supported by referenced material which addes to the structural integrity of this text.

The book is readily divided up into different modules. One chapter is not dependent upon the next for a thorough understanding of each stage of development. The book could be assigned in any order without difficulty or too much self-referencing.

The book is organized in the most logical fashion for a developmental textbook: from birth to old age. It breaks down into the following chapters: An introduction; Heredity, Prenatal Development, Birth; Infancy & Toddlerhood; Early Childhood; Middle & Late Childhood; Adolescence; Emerging and Early Adulthood; Middle Adulthood; Late Adulthood; Death & Dying. It is free from technical jargon and presents material in a logical and understandable manner.

The images and diagrams in the text represent diverse populations in terms of age, gender, race and LGBTQA populations. The images and diagrams enhance the text and are pleasing to look at.

The book has excellent grammar and is free from typographical errors.

The text is not culturally offensive and the pictures are very diverse. The text itself makes good references and is inclusive of the LGBTQA populations. There are not too many other diverse populations represented, apart from age and gender. There are some considerations given to racial and ethnic differences but not enough. The book would benefit from more multicultural references.

Reviewed by Dan Bacon, Lecturer, San Diego State University on 2/22/19

The courses I teach primarily cover birth through middle childhood, so my review focused most heavily on chapters 1-5. The text is comprehensive in that it covers a wide range of topics you would expect in such a book. However, it may be... read more

The courses I teach primarily cover birth through middle childhood, so my review focused most heavily on chapters 1-5. The text is comprehensive in that it covers a wide range of topics you would expect in such a book. However, it may be improved by providing more depth in many of the areas. Even for use in a broad survey course, it would be nice to have more examples to help students understand the basic concepts they are reading about. For example, when covering longitudinal research, I might expect the author to mention an example of landmark longitudinal research in the field. There are certainly some examples (e.g., mentions Piaget when discussing case studies), but not to the degree I'm accustomed to in other textbooks. This text would also benefit from a glossary. While an eText allows students to search for terms easily, for those students who print the pdf (for preference or issues of accessibility), a glossary would be helpful.

A few errors stood out, and makes me imagine there are others in areas outside my expertise that I did not catch. One small example is the author lacks accuracy in stating: "Although the behaviorists were incorrect in their beliefs that it was not possible to measure thoughts and feelings". This is a misunderstanding and oversimplification of Skinner's analysis of public versus private events. Skinner, and other subsequent radical behaviorists, welcomed the scientific analysis of private events, and noted each individual is the observer of their own thoughts. The view that private events have no place in science was that of Watson and the methodological behaviorists. Being a half century past the shift to radical behaviorism, it may be time to start representing the field of behaviorism more accurately.

Mostly relevant with many 2016 citations. As a 2017 publication however, I would have expected the author to use more up-to-date data in some areas. For example, the author referenced a 2012 CDC publication with autism prevalence data from 2008 (1 in 88 children in US). It would have been more relevant to use 2016 publications which showed CDC prevalence rates were then 1 in 68 children in the US. With that said, the text is written in a way that could be easily updated (2018 publication of CDC numbers estimate the prevalence of ASD to be 1 in 59 in US).

I believe students would enjoy the clarity of this text, in terms of its concise writing. This text does a nice job of avoiding jargon, or clearly explaining the terminology when it is used. Where I think it could improve is in providing some additional examples to illustrate some concepts. Additional figures or links to videos might really benefit readers in their ability to quickly digest material.

There seems to be a clear framework that is easy to follow across all chapters. The text is easy to navigate in terms of its internal consistency.

This text could be used in a modular fashion. I could easily see taking chapters 1, 4 & 5 to use in my course on early and middle childhood. One area that adversely impacts modularity, which I touch on in the organization section as well, is how the book covers individuals with disabilities. For example, discussion of ASD is self contained in the chapter on early childhood. While the author briefly touches on the ability of adults with autism to live and work independently, this would be missed if using a modular approach of only assigning the chapter on adulthood.

As is typical of many other human development texts, the author does a nice job of consistently referencing hallmark theories (e.g. Erikson's stages of development) across the chronological chapters. This allows for the reader to build upon prior knowledge, but is done in a way that doesn't limit modularity too much. One area for improvement would be looking at atypical development and individuals experiencing disabilities across all chapters. Discussions of lifelong disabilities, such as Down syndrome, tended to be concentrated in early chapters, without touching on how individual's lives might be impacted in adulthood. This tends to be a problem with other human development texts as well, where atypical development is treated more as a token issue, often as a standalone chapter.

Images and charts are all clearly displayed in the pdf. While navigation could be improved by including links to more outside sources, or the ability to easily jump between chapters and topics by clicking on the index, there are no significant interface issues. I think users of eTexts have come to expect them to be a little easier to navigate through internal links between chapters or to a glossary (if it had one).

Grammatical errors did not strike me as an issue when reading this text.

While no text is perfect, as described by some other reviewers, I found myself wanting a greater focus on diversity. It would have been nice to see a focus not only on issues of race, ethnicity, and sexual orientation, but also on topics like military culture, immigrant culture, and disability culture.

Overall, I found this to be one of the strongest OER options for human development I've come across, at least for an undergraduate survey course. It is easy to think about topics that could be enhanced, such as cultural perspectives, but I think it is worth remembering that there is a finite amount of content that can be covered in one semester. No one text can meet the needs for all courses in developmental psychology or human development, but I thank the authors for creating and sharing something that likely fits the needs for some course very well.

Reviewed by Jennifer Parta-Arno, Psychology Instructor, Minnesota State on 2/7/19

Overall I found this text to be very comprehensive in covering all of the developmental stages and topics that I have used in other textbooks. It has a good layout of information that is for the most part relevant and up to date. read more

Overall I found this text to be very comprehensive in covering all of the developmental stages and topics that I have used in other textbooks. It has a good layout of information that is for the most part relevant and up to date.

Content Accuracy rating: 3

I found at least one instance of out of date information- in Chapter 2 it discusses the law that went into effect in Tennessee that women who use drugs while pregnant can be charged, however that bill was allowed to sunset in 2016 and that is no longer the case so this is outdated information. Hopefully this OER text will be reviewed regularly and updated.

I noticed that in discussing Children and The Media in Chapter 4 there is but a brief paragraph or two and it only pertains to tv not social media or any devices such as smartphones or tablets which are a huge topic of developmental discussion. Also, I do not see any mention of social media and it's influence on teens in the chapter on adolescence. Would need to provide up to date and supplementary materials.

Yes I found the text and writing to be very precise, clear and easy to comprehend for students. Didn't seem to be too much terminology and if used it was defined pretty well.

Yes the layout and structure in which material/theories were covered was consistent throughout the text. The reader knows what to expect in terms of presentation and formatting.

There are quite a few sub-headings and divisions or modulations within the chapters. It isn't the easiest to "pull out a chunk of material" because of the pdf formatting. Would prefer linking to different sections.

I found the text to be fairly well organized.

I just have to say I am not a fan of the pdf format. I have used several other OER texts and they all have the ability to link to different sections within the text or chapters and you can present by Chapter instead of directing someone just to a certain page/chapter. As a hardcover book that is fine, however, I think that online users are expecting more functionality. Also, there aren't any links to supplemental videos, articles or activities which is another aspect that needs improvement.

Grammar was fine.

I appreciated the section on cultural differences in end of life decisions in the final chapter. Also, the section on gay and lesbian elders was refreshing to see included and something that is not currently in a text I use. I liked that!

Overall it is an ok option if you just essentially want an ebook, however as I stated above I think other OER resources have a lot more functionality than this text which is in a pdf format. Not very user friendly and wouldn't be my first choice to use for my students.

Reviewed by Lori Waters, Lecturer - Adjunct Faculty, Leeward Community College on 1/24/19

The research and experiment chapter was easily readable, attractive and enticing. Good, solid, well rounded text. I will highly recommend this text. read more

The research and experiment chapter was easily readable, attractive and enticing. Good, solid, well rounded text. I will highly recommend this text.

The content is accurate. A bit of bias is felt. However, due to readers biases the authors did a good job of masking biases with good solid research that was sited and created unbiased accurate content.

Graphics and photos are helpful and are nicely relevant and certainly adds great clarity. The text easily blends the valid content and includes relevant updates that flow nicely. Organized to easily create new updates. Epigenetics could have been more thoroughly covered.

The text is written with excellent clarity with a simplification of jargon that makes material easy to grasp quickly.

The text is consistent, with topics flowing together and broken up into easily readable subheadings, and tables/graphs/charts/images all flowing nicely. Terminology is consistent.

Good modularity which is consistent throughout the text. Subheadings are clear, easy to read and flow nicely to the eye. Self-referential is not present. Text is easily divisible into smaller reading sections that make it easy to grab topics out of their context. Modularity is also well balanced with the flow, fluidity and relatedness of previous subunits. Especially good flow for online reading and easy page accessibility.

It is easy to page up and down and clearly see the logical organization, again especially as an online pdf. The organization is excellent!

The charts, images, photos and graphics are free of distractions regarding interface issues. They are nicely placed and spaced throughout the text and fall appealingly on the page. Easy for the eye to track and to organize.

The textbook is grammatically correct.

Love the picture on the cover! Great start. Excellent examples that are culturally relevant, especially in the “classroom” section of chapter 5 and remain consistently exceptional throughout the text.

I will use this textbook the next opportunity I have to teach Human Development with the option of choosing which text to use!!!!

Reviewed by Glinda Rawls, Associate Professor, Western Michigan University on 12/14/18

Much of the content presented in the chapters is standard for most lifespan development textbooks. read more

Much of the content presented in the chapters is standard for most lifespan development textbooks.

I did not notice many errors, however there were places in the the textbook where the authors clearly presented their bias. For example, in chapter 4 when discussing childhood disciplinary practices the authors only discussed the harmful affects of corporal punishment; however, there are other scholars who have highlighted the benefit of such disciplinary practices especially among different cultural groups. Both perspectives should have been presented.

In some areas, the content was not up to date. For example, in chapter 10 which contains information about death and dying the authors only mentioned that in 1997 Oregon had laws which facilitate dignity in dying where patients can choose to die on their own terms. However, since 1997 I believe there are three states (California, Colorado, and Hawaii) and Washington DC who all have passed these laws. This needs to be updated in the textbook. Also in chapter 8 the authors really did not discuss how women are delaying marriage and child-bearing along with the content related to marriage. And the information on marriage could have included more topics related to cultural diversity because African American women tend to have the highest rates of being single than other ethnic groups. This was left out of the textbook. Another omission was in discussing maternal mortality. The authors only cited PID as the cause for infertility but PCOS and endometriosis are two other conditions which could contribute to infertility in women. So the authors should update this too.

The textbook was written in clear and uncomplicated way. The information presented in this textbook is succinct and brief which may make undergraduate students more apt to read this textbook. It was very simple and easy to read.

I really liked how the authors used Erickson's lifespan development across several chapters. I have used other lifespan development textbooks that followed this same format. This consistency allowed the reader to have easy access to the theory so that they could apply it to various stages of development.

Each chapter had several subheadings and headings. The material was arranged in such a way that the content flowed very well. The subheadings made sense and were relevant to the larger headings.

The chapters followed the normal stages of development and were well organized.

I am not sure if this would be possible but it would be helpful if the reader could click onto the chapter and just pull it up. Since the document is in a pdf format, the reader has to scroll up and down if they wanted to move back and forth in the textbook. This was a bit cumbersome.

I did not notice any grammatical errors.

The authors made an effort to include cultural diversity and LGBT issues in the textbook. I certainly applaud their efforts, but in some ways things fell a little short in this area. For example, issues of adverse childhood experiences was not mentioned. Social issues like poverty, childhood homelessness and incarcerated parents were also omitted. It seems as though the book could also benefit from including some sociological perspectives to deepen their attempts to include diversity. They also did not include all types of families in chapter 5. They did not include trans-racial adoption or multicultural families where the parents are of different races. So the area of cultural diversity could be enhanced.

Overall this textbook would be useful in a undergraduate course. The instructor would definitely have to supplement the materials to include content that is not only up to date but also includes more sociological perspectives in understanding lifespan development.

Reviewed by Jamie Nordling, Assistant Professor, Augustana College on 11/18/18

The book content matches what I currently teach. read more

The book content matches what I currently teach.

I did not find any big errors. They do discuss how the Attachment Q-Sort is a solid, contemporary way to measure attachment, but there are issues with this method.

I did not notice any issues with relevance.

The prose is clear and easy to understand.

Consistency rating: 3

There are some topics that are not discussed enough (e.g., temperament), and some topics that are not even developmental in scope that are covered in too much detail (e.g., components of memory).

There are subheadings.

Organization/Structure/Flow rating: 3

There are several chapters that seem choppy (i.e., the sections stand alone and are not well connected).

I had no issues.

Nothing stood out.

Culture is covered, but I believe it could be covered even more.

Overall, I believe this textbook provides a good overview on human development. The writing is well-suited for introductory students.

Some of the concepts that were included that stand out in a positive way include: (a) a good description of how the field has changed from just looking at childhood to looking at the whole lifespan; (b) the use of the multidimensional, multidirectional, multidisciplinary, multicontextual, and plastic approach to development; (c) the inclusion of a description about archival data/secondary analysis, because a lot of developmental data is longitudinal; and (d) the theories of aging (i.e., why do we age).

Some of the more minor issues include: (a) There were some structure issues. I think some of this could be solved by including more clear headings or including an outline of the topics that would be covered in each chapter. It does feel a little like, “Here’s everything you need to know about this age,” without good transitions or an understanding of how topics are related to one another. Students may struggle with processing all of the information as it is presented. (b) There were some citation issues. I want students to have good models for their own writing. There were several sections of the book that made claims about research findings without a single citation. As examples, SES was linked to poor health and various other outcomes (p. 11) without a single citation. Also, the section on genetics (Ch. 2) does not have enough citations to support the claims stated. This citation issue was not found in every chapter – some sections were better than others—but it happened enough to where I took notice. (c) I would ideally like more discussions of culture; however, the book does talk about some aspect of culture in every chapter. (d) There were some topics that were discussed in too much detail given that the topics are not inherently developmental. For example, the authors go into a lot of detail about the different types of memory in chapter 4 (e.g., discusses rehearsal, different types of declarative memories) and into a lot of detail about sex in chapter 7 (e.g., phases in sexual response cycle, role of the hypothalamus, STIs). (e) And there are some topics that, while they may be developmental, are described in more detail than I have seen before in a developmental textbook. For example, (a) there was more detail than other books on prenatal development, pregnancy, and childbirth;(b) I have never seen as much detail about Piaget’s theory in any textbook (not even a child development book that has more time to focus on Piaget); (c) there was a lot of detail on sports and sports involvement, and (d) the sections on childhood issues (e.g., genetic disorders, childhood disabilities, communication disorders) were too detailed given that they seemed more biological or medical than psychological. Note that I am not saying that these issues do not have psychological components, but rather that that is not the way they are presented. They’re presented simply as biological/medical descriptions. (f) There were also some topics that were not detailed enough. My biggest area of complaint in this area relates to temperament. The authors spent too much time focusing on Thomas and Chess, which we know is an outdated view, and spent very little time talking about contemporary approaches to temperament or children’s personality.

Some of the more major issues include: (a) One of the things that bothers me about this textbook is that there are VERY few critical thinking questions that lead students to think deeply about the material. Of course, these questions can be addressed in the classroom, but the book does not include any real aspects of active learning. (b) I wish the textbook had more “science” built into it. The introduction sets up the field as scientific, but there is often little discussion about how the scientific method is essential to the findings presented. Chapter 3 stands out as doing this better – there is more incorporation of research methods, study findings, and some issues with measurement – but other chapters were deficient (c) Relatedly, given that I am teaching my lifespan course in a psychology department, we talk about how developmental psychology is much more than understanding the “whats” and the “whens” of development. We really are aiming to uncover the “hows,” “for whoms,” and “under what conditions”. Essentially, I want my students to better understand mechanisms. This book, compared to about five others that I have either used or previously reviewed, seems to talk more about the “whats” and “whens”, and in my opinion, these are less psychological. For example, topics like (a) when to introduce solid foods, (b) toilet training tips, (c) healthy eating, and (d) how to choose between preschool programs seem more suited to students who are taking a child development course in high school rather than students who are pursuing the scientific study of human development. I realize that this may have been the goal of the authors – perhaps they wanted their textbook to have flexibility for different types of courses. For me, this takes away from the messages that I tell my students.

Will I use this book in my course? In short, I have not decided yet. As noted above, the content that I normally expect my students to know (except for temperament!) is present within this textbook. However, students are not going to be asked to use their critical thinking or scientific literacy skills in this book as much as other books.

Reviewed by Lisa Dunkley, Assistant Professor, East Tennessee State University on 10/23/18

The text is comparative to other texts in the field. However, disability inclusive issues across the lifespan would add for a more comprehensive outlook. read more

The text is comparative to other texts in the field. However, disability inclusive issues across the lifespan would add for a more comprehensive outlook.

Book has used prominent literature to support context.

Information included is relevant to each topic area and today's society.

Book is easy to follow and undergraduate level students will be able to comprehend the information included in the text.

Consistent with related texts.

Book is organized into sections that make it easy to break up reading the content.

The book has a good flow and is easy to understand. Flow is consistent with others in the field.

Images included are appropriate however more vibrant images would make for a more user-friendly book.

None observed.

Book is not culturally insensitive. However more references to other cultures would make for a more inclusive book.

The book is easy to follow and navigate. Information is consistent with for sale texts in the field.

Reviewed by Christopher Belser, Assistant Professor, University of New Orleans on 6/19/18

Overall, the text covers a wide array of topics within this subject, but the degree of depth to which these topics are covered varies. Career development isn’t introduced until the section on emerging adulthood. Research dating back 50+ years... read more

Overall, the text covers a wide array of topics within this subject, but the degree of depth to which these topics are covered varies.

Career development isn’t introduced until the section on emerging adulthood. Research dating back 50+ years discusses career development in the context of childhood and adolescence. Not including career development is a disservice to the career development programming that has been done and continues to be done in K-12 settings.

The textbook covers many of the theories of human development, but does not introduce all of them in the first chapter. Only a select few are covered in this introduction; other theories are introduced in later chapters in the point in the lifespan during which this theory becomes most salient. This is problematic, as the stages are not firmly restricted to these age bands. A review of all theories in the beginning would be helpful to the reader. The book does not cover some theories (e.g., Spiritual development).

Adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) are not covered at all, and the research has been around for 20 years. Any discussion of human development that does not include this research is incomplete.

Other topics (e.g., sexuality, gender identity) are presented in greater detail than other texts I’ve seen. The discussion of grief models, especially refutations of the Kubler-Ross model, are excellent and represent modern research.

The information presented in the text appears to be accurate, with the exception of a few areas that need to be updated with contemporary research.

The text does not include contemporary research on Adverse Childhood Experiences, neuroimaging, and neuropsychology. This contemporary research has enhanced or refuted many long-held theories and must be represented in any discussion of human development

The information presented is written clearly and in a way that is easy to understand and comprehend.

The book appears to be presented in a consistent manner, with regard to terminology, framework, and layout. The authors were not consistent with the depth to which topics are covered; this may be an indication of the authors areas of interest and areas for development.

The book is chunked very well. The chapters are broken down in a rational manner and each chapter includes many smaller sections with headings.

The book is chunked very well. The chapters are broken down in a rational manner and each chapter includes many smaller sections with headings. The authors were not consistent with the depth to which topics are covered; this may be an indication of the authors areas of interest and areas for development.

The book has a very good look. The table of contents is navigable, and there are links to sources embedded within. The graphics, tables, and charts are clear and readable.

The authors use correct grammar and have edited the book well for mechanical and grammatical errors.

The book presents cultural information more completely in some areas and more incompletely in other areas. This is an area of the text that could use additional fine-tuning. Stereotype threat introduced in the section on age, although the research emerged from discussions of race and ethnicity. The book covers sexuality and gender identity in more depth than other texts I’ve used.

Based on the current edition of the text, I cannot say that I would use this book over a traditionally published text without having to provide many additional readings to supplement incomplete areas. At best, there are chapters from this text I could see assigning to supplement additional readings.

Table of Contents

• Chapter 1: Introduction to Lifespan Development
• Chapter 2: Heredity, Prenatal Development, and Birth
• Chapter 3: Infancy and Toddlerhood
• Chapter 4: Early Childhood
• Chapter 5: Middle and Late Childhood
• Chapter 6: Adolescence
• Chapter 7: Emerging and Established Adulthood
• Chapter 8: Middle Adulthood
• Chapter 9: Late Adulthood
• Chapter 10: Death and Dying

Ancillary Material

About the book.

Developmental Psychology, also known as Human Development or Lifespan Development, is the scientific study of ways in which people change, as well as stay the same, from conception to death. You will no doubt discover in the course of studying that the field examines change across a broad range of topics.  These include physical and other psychophysiological processes, cognition, language, and psychosocial development, including the impact of family and peers.

About the Contributors

Martha Lally is an Instructor in the Psychology department at the College of Lake County.

Suzanne Valentine-French is an Instructor in the Psychology department at the College of Lake County.

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Case Studies in Lifespan Development

• Stephanie M. Wright - Georgia Gwinnett College Psychology Department
• Description
• Author(s) / Editor(s)

Case Studies in Lifespan Development offers students a comprehensive view into life’s key developmental stages through unique, diverse, and moving cases. Author Stephanie M. Wright presents a series of 12 case studies shaped by the contributions of real students—including their observations, concerns, and moments of triumph—to build immersive examples that readers can relate to and enjoy.   INSTRUCTORS: Bundle Case Studies in Lifespan Development with one of the best-selling core texts below for only $5 more! SAGE coursepacks LMS resources accompanying these texts allow you to track student understanding of the entire human lifespan with auto-graded assessments and open-ended discussion questions.

• Lifespan Development: Lives in Context, Second Edition : Chronologically organized, this book explores the dynamic interactions between individuals, our genetic makeup, and the diverse contexts that shape our growth and development at every stage of life.
• Lifespan Development in Context: A Topical Approach: Provides a panoramic view of the many influences that shape human development.
• Child Development From Infancy to Adolescence: An Active Learning Approach, Second Edition : Chronologically organized, this book presents topics within the field of child development through unique and highly engaging Active Learning opportunities.

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Case 1: Jamal Jones

Case 2: Naomi Rowe

Stephanie M. Wright

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9.1 What Is Lifespan Development?

Learning objectives.

By the end of this section, you will be able to:

• Define and distinguish between the three domains of development: physical, cognitive and psychosocial
• Discuss the normative approach to development
• Understand the three major issues in development: continuity and discontinuity, one common course of development or many unique courses of development, and nature versus nurture

My heart leaps up when I behold A rainbow in the sky: So was it when my life began; So is it now I am a man; So be it when I shall grow old, Or let me die! The Child is father of the Man; I could wish my days to be Bound each to each by natural piety. (Wordsworth, 1802)

In this poem, William Wordsworth writes, “the child is father of the man.” What does this seemingly incongruous statement mean, and what does it have to do with lifespan development? Wordsworth might be suggesting that the person he is as an adult depends largely on the experiences he had in childhood. Consider the following questions: To what extent is the adult you are today influenced by the child you once were? To what extent is a child fundamentally different from the adult he grows up to be?

These are the types of questions developmental psychologists try to answer, by studying how humans change and grow from conception through childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and death. They view development as a lifelong process that can be studied scientifically across three developmental domains—physical, cognitive, and psychosocial development. Physical development involves growth and changes in the body and brain, the senses, motor skills, and health and wellness. Cognitive development involves learning, attention, memory, language, thinking, reasoning, and creativity. Psychosocial development involves emotions, personality, and social relationships. We refer to these domains throughout the chapter.

Connect the Concepts

Research methods in developmental psychology.

You’ve learned about a variety of research methods used by psychologists. Developmental psychologists use many of these approaches in order to better understand how individuals change mentally and physically over time. These methods include naturalistic observations, case studies, surveys, and experiments, among others.

Naturalistic observations involve observing behavior in its natural context. A developmental psychologist might observe how children behave on a playground, at a daycare center, or in the child’s own home. While this research approach provides a glimpse into how children behave in their natural settings, researchers have very little control over the types and/or frequencies of displayed behavior.

In a case study, developmental psychologists collect a great deal of information from one individual in order to better understand physical and psychological changes over the lifespan. This particular approach is an excellent way to better understand individuals, who are exceptional in some way, but it is especially prone to researcher bias in interpretation, and it is difficult to generalize conclusions to the larger population.

In one classic example of this research method being applied to a study of lifespan development Sigmund Freud analyzed the development of a child known as “Little Hans” (Freud, 1909/1949). Freud’s findings helped inform his theories of psychosexual development in children, which you will learn about later in this chapter. Little Genie, the subject of a case study discussed in the chapter on thinking and intelligence, provides another example of how psychologists examine developmental milestones through detailed research on a single individual. In Genie’s case, her neglectful and abusive upbringing led to her being unable to speak until, at age 13, she was removed from that harmful environment. As she learned to use language, psychologists were able to compare how her language acquisition abilities differed when occurring in her late-stage development compared to the typical acquisition of those skills during the ages of infancy through early childhood (Fromkin, Krashen, Curtiss, Rigler, & Rigler, 1974; Curtiss, 1981).

The survey method asks individuals to self-report important information about their thoughts, experiences, and beliefs. This particular method can provide large amounts of information in relatively short amounts of time; however, validity of data collected in this way relies on honest self-reporting, and the data is relatively shallow when compared to the depth of information collected in a case study. An example of comprehensive survey was the research done by Ruth W. Howard. In 1934, she obtained her doctorate by surveying 229 sets of triplets, the most comprehensive research of triplets completed at the time. This pioneering woman was also the first African-American woman to earn a PhD in psychology (American Psychological Association, 2019).

Experiments involve significant control over extraneous variables and manipulation of the independent variable. As such, experimental research allows developmental psychologists to make causal statements about certain variables that are important for the developmental process. Because experimental research must occur in a controlled environment, researchers must be cautious about whether behaviors observed in the laboratory translate to an individual’s natural environment.

Later in this chapter, you will learn about several experiments in which toddlers and young children observe scenes or actions so that researchers can determine at what age specific cognitive abilities develop. For example, children may observe a quantity of liquid poured from a short, fat glass into a tall, skinny glass. As the experimenters question the children about what occurred, the subjects’ answers help psychologists understand at what age a child begins to comprehend that the volume of liquid remained the same although the shapes of the containers differ.

Across these three domains—physical, cognitive, and psychosocial—the normative approach to development is also discussed. This approach asks, “What is normal development?” In the early decades of the 20th century, normative psychologists studied large numbers of children at various ages to determine norms (i.e., average ages) of when most children reach specific developmental milestones in each of the three domains (Gesell, 1933, 1939, 1940; Gesell & Ilg, 1946; Hall, 1904). Note that while they are still in use, the terms "normal" and "normative" often require deeper consideration, and some researchers and practitioners aim to avoid them. Psychologists often consider typical or "normal" signs in order to diagnose when a child may need examination or support. Although children develop at slightly different rates, we can use these age-related averages as general guidelines to compare children with same-age peers to determine the approximate ages they should reach specific normative events called developmental milestones (e.g., crawling, walking, writing, dressing, naming colors, speaking in sentences, and starting puberty).

Not all normative events are universal, meaning they are not experienced by all individuals across all cultures. Biological milestones, such as puberty, tend to be universal, but social milestones, such as the age when children begin formal schooling, are not necessarily universal; instead, they affect most individuals in a particular culture (Gesell & Ilg, 1946). For example, in some countries children begin school around 5 or 6 years old, but other countries, children often enter school at an advanced age, or have limitations or interruptions in their education. For example, UNESCO estimates that nearly 244 million of the world's school-aged children do not attend school (Antoninis, 2022).

To better understand the normative approach, imagine two new mothers, Louisa and Kimberly, who are close friends and have children around the same age. Louisa’s daughter is 14 months old, and Kimberly’s son is 12 months old. According to the normative approach, the average age a child starts to walk is 12 months. However, at 14 months Louisa’s daughter still isn’t walking. She tells Kimberly she is worried that something might be wrong with her baby. Kimberly is surprised because her son started walking when he was only 10 months old. Should Louisa be worried? Should she be concerned if her daughter is not walking by 15 months or 18 months?

Link to Learning

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) describes the developmental milestones for children from 2 months through 5 years old. After reviewing the information, take this Developmental Milestones Quiz to see how well you recall what you’ve learned. If you are a parent with concerns about your child’s development, contact your pediatrician.

Issues in Developmental Psychology

There are many different theoretical approaches regarding human development. As we evaluate them in this chapter, recall that developmental psychology focuses on how people change, and keep in mind that all the approaches that we present in this chapter address questions of change: Is the change smooth or uneven (continuous versus discontinuous)? Is this pattern of change the same for everyone, or are there many different patterns of change (one course of development versus many courses)? How do genetics and environment interact to influence development (nature versus nurture)?

Is Development Continuous or Discontinuous?

Continuous development views development as a cumulative process, gradually improving on existing skills ( Figure 9.2 ). With this type of development, there is gradual change. Consider, for example, a child’s physical growth: adding inches to height year by year. In contrast, theorists who view development as discontinuous believe that development takes place in unique stages: It occurs at specific times or ages. With this type of development, the change is more sudden, such as an infant’s ability to conceive object permanence.

Is There One Course of Development or Many?

Is development essentially the same, or universal, for all children (i.e., there is one course of development) or does development follow a different course for each child, depending on the child’s specific genetics and environment (i.e., there are many courses of development)? Do people across the world share more similarities or more differences in their development? How much do culture and genetics influence a child’s behavior?

Stage theories hold that the sequence of development is universal. For example, in cross-cultural studies of language development, children from around the world reach language milestones in a similar sequence (Gleitman & Newport, 1995). Infants in all cultures coo before they babble. They begin babbling at about the same age and utter their first word around 12 months old. Yet we live in diverse contexts that have a unique effect on each of us. For example, researchers once believed that motor development follows one course for all children regardless of culture. However, child care practices vary by culture, and different practices have been found to accelerate or inhibit achievement of developmental milestones such as sitting, crawling, and walking (Karasik, Adolph, Tamis-LeMonda, & Bornstein, 2010).

For instance, let’s look at the Aché society in Paraguay. They spend a significant amount of time foraging in forests. While foraging, Aché mothers carry their young children, rarely putting them down in order to protect them from getting hurt in the forest. Consequently, their children walk much later: They walk around 23–25 months old, in comparison to infants in Western cultures who begin to walk around 12 months old. However, as Aché children become older, they are allowed more freedom to move about, and by about age 9, their motor skills surpass those of U.S. children of the same age: Aché children are able to climb trees up to 25 feet tall and use machetes and other tools (Kaplan & Dove, 1987). As you can see, our development is influenced by multiple contexts, so the timing of basic motor functions may vary across cultures. However, the functions themselves are present in all societies ( Figure 9.3 ).

How Do Nature and Nurture Influence Development?

Are we who we are because of nature (biology and genetics), or are we who we are because of nurture (our environment and culture)? This longstanding question is known in psychology as the nature versus nurture debate. It seeks to understand how our personalities and traits are the product of our genetic makeup and biological factors, and how they are shaped by our environment, including our guardians, peers, and culture. For instance, why do biological children sometimes act like their parents—is it because of genetics or because of early childhood environment and what the child has learned from the parents? What about children who are adopted—are they more like their biological families or more like their adoptive families? And how can siblings from the same family be so different?

We are all born with specific genetic traits inherited from our biological parents, such as eye color, height, and certain personality traits. Beyond our basic genotype, however, there is a deep interaction between our genes and our environment: Our unique experiences in our environment influence whether and how particular traits are expressed, and at the same time, our genes influence how we interact with our environment (Diamond, 2009; Lobo, 2008). This chapter will show that there is a reciprocal interaction between nature and nurture as they both shape who we become, but the debate continues as to the relative contributions of each.

The Achievement Gap: How Does Socioeconomic Status Affect Development?

The achievement gap refers to the persistent difference in grades, test scores, and graduation rates that exist among students of different ethnicities, races, and—in certain subjects—genders (Winerman, 2011). Research suggests that these achievement gaps are strongly influenced by differences in socioeconomic factors that exist among the families of these children. While the researchers acknowledge that programs aimed at reducing such socioeconomic discrepancies would likely aid in equalizing the aptitude and performance of children from different backgrounds, they recognize that such large-scale interventions would be difficult to achieve. Therefore, it is recommended that programs aimed at fostering aptitude and achievement among children with lower socioeconomic status may be the best option for dealing with issues related to academic achievement gaps (Duncan & Magnuson, 2005).

Children from low-income households perform significantly more poorly than their middle- and high-income peers on a number of educational variables: They have significantly lower standardized test scores, graduation rates, and college entrance rates, and they have much higher school dropout rates. There have been attempts to correct the achievement gap through state and federal legislation, but what if the problems start before the children even enter school?

Psychologists Betty Hart and Todd Risley (2006) spent their careers looking at early language ability and progression of children in various income levels. In one longitudinal study, they found that although all the parents in the study engaged and interacted with their children, parents with middle- and high-income status interacted with their children differently than parents with lower-income status. After analyzing 1,300 hours of parent-child interactions, the researchers found that middle- and high-income parents talk to their children significantly more, starting when the children are infants. By 3 years old, children from higher-income households knew almost double the number of words known by their peers from lower-income households, and they had heard an estimated total of 30 million more words than the children from low-income households (Hart & Risley, 2003). And the gaps only become more pronounced. Before entering kindergarten, children with higher-income status score 60% higher on achievement tests than their peers with lower-income status (Lee & Burkam, 2002).

There are solutions to this problem. At the University of Chicago, experts are working with low-income families, visiting them at their homes, and encouraging them to speak more to their children on a daily and hourly basis. Other experts are designing preschools in which students from diverse economic backgrounds are placed in the same classroom. In this research, children with lower socioeconomic status made significant gains in their language development, likely as a result of attending the specialized preschool (Schechter & Byeb, 2007). What other methods or interventions could be used to decrease the achievement gap? What types of activities could be implemented to help the children of your community or a neighboring community?

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8 Lifespan Development

Welcome to the story of your life. In this chapter we explore the fascinating tale of how you have grown and developed into the person you are today. We also look at some ideas about who you will grow into tomorrow. Yours is a story of lifespan development ( Figure 9.1 ), from the start of life to the end.

The process of human growth and development is more obvious in infancy and childhood, yet your development is happening this moment and will continue, minute by minute, for the rest of your life. Who you are today and who you will be in the future depends on a blend of genetics, environment, culture, relationships, and more, as you continue through each phase of life. You have experienced firsthand much of what is discussed in this chapter. Now consider what psychological science has to say about your physical, cognitive, and psychosocial development, from the womb to the tomb.

Learning Objectives

By the end of this section, you will be able to:

• Define and distinguish between the three domains of development: physical, cognitive, and psychosocial
• Discuss the normative approach to development
• Understand the three major issues in development: continuity and discontinuity, one common course of development or many unique courses of development, and nature versus nurture

Developmental psychologists study how humans change and grow from conception through childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and death. From the moment we are conceived until the moment we die, we continue to develop. They view development as a lifelong process that can be studied scientifically across three developmental domains—physical, cognitive, and psychosocial development. Physical development  involves growth and changes in the body and brain, the senses, motor skills, and health and wellness.  Cognitive development  involves learning, attention, memory, language, thinking, reasoning, and creativity.  Psychosocial development  involves emotions, personality, and social relationships. We refer to these domains throughout the chapter.

CONNECT THE CONCEPTS: Research Methods in Developmental Psychology

You’ve learned about a variety of research methods used by psychologists. Developmental psychologists use many of these approaches in order to better understand how individuals change mentally and physically over time. These methods include naturalistic observations, case studies, surveys, and experiments, among others.

Naturalistic observations involve observing behavior in its natural context. A developmental psychologist might observe how children behave on a playground, at a daycare center, or in the child’s own home. While this research approach provides a glimpse into how children behave in their natural settings, researchers have very little control over the types and/or frequencies of displayed behavior.

In a case study, developmental psychologists collect a great deal of information from one individual in order to better understand physical and psychological changes over the lifespan. This particular approach is an excellent way to better understand individuals, who are exceptional in some way, but it is especially prone to researcher bias in interpretation, and it is difficult to generalize conclusions to the larger population.

In one classic example of this research method being applied to a study of lifespan development, Sigmund Freud analyzed the development of a child known as “Little Hans” (Freud, 1909/1949). Freud’s findings helped inform his theories of psychosexual development in children, which you will learn about later in this chapter. Little Genie, the subject of a case study discussed in the chapter on thinking and intelligence, provides another example of how psychologists examine developmental milestones through detailed research on a single individual. In Genie’s case, her neglectful and abusive upbringing led to her being unable to speak until, at age 13, she was removed from that harmful environment. As she learned to use language, psychologists were able to compare how her language acquisition abilities differed when occurring in her late-stage development compared to the typical acquisition of those skills during the ages of infancy through early childhood (Fromkin, Krashen, Curtiss, Rigler, & Rigler, 1974; Curtiss, 1981).

The survey method asks individuals to self-report important information about their thoughts, experiences, and beliefs. This particular method can provide large amounts of information in relatively short amounts of time; however, the validity of data collected in this way relies on honest self-reporting, and the data is relatively shallow when compared to the depth of information collected in a case study. An example of a comprehensive survey was the research done by Ruth W. Howard. In 1947, she obtained her doctorate by surveying 229 sets of triplets, the most comprehensive research of triplets completed at the time. This pioneering woman was also the first African-American woman to earn a Ph.D. in psychology (American Psychological Association, 2019).

Experiments involve significant control over extraneous variables and manipulation of the independent variable. As such, experimental research allows developmental psychologists to make causal statements about certain variables that are important for the developmental process. Because experimental research must occur in a controlled environment, researchers must be cautious about whether behaviors observed in the laboratory translate to an individual’s natural environment.

Across these three domains—physical, cognitive, and psychosocial—the  normative approach  to development is also discussed. This approach asks, “What is normal development?” In the early decades of the 20th century, normative psychologists studied large numbers of children at various ages to determine norms (i.e., average ages) of when most children reach specific developmental milestones in each of the three domains (Gesell, 1933, 1939, 1940; Gesell & Ilg, 1946; Hall, 1904). Although children develop at slightly different rates, we can use these age-related averages as general guidelines to compare children with same-age peers to determine the approximate ages they should reach specific normative events called  developmental milestones  (e.g., crawling, walking, writing, dressing, naming colors, speaking in sentences, and starting puberty).

Not all normative events are universal, meaning they are not experienced by all individuals across all cultures. Biological milestones, such as puberty, tend to be universal, but social milestones, such as the age when children begin formal schooling, are not necessarily universal; instead, they affect most individuals in a particular  culture (Gesell & Ilg, 1946). For example, in developed countries, children begin school around 5 or 6 years old, but in developing countries, like Nigeria, children often enter school at an advanced age, if at all (Huebler, 2005; United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization [UNESCO], 2013).

Issues in Developmental Psychology

There are many different theoretical approaches regarding human development. As we evaluate them in this chapter, recall that developmental psychology focuses on how people change, and keep in mind that all the approaches that we present in this chapter address questions of change: Is the change smooth or uneven (continuous versus discontinuous)? Is this pattern of change the same for everyone, or are there many different patterns of change (one course of development versus many courses)? How do genetics and environment interact to influence development (nature versus nurture)?

Is Development Continuous or Discontinuous?

Continuous development  views development as a cumulative process, gradually improving on existing skills ( Figure 9.2 ). With this type of development, there is a gradual change. Consider, for example, a child’s physical growth: adding inches to height year by year. In contrast, theorists who view development as discontinuous  believe that development takes place in unique stages: It occurs at specific times or ages. With this type of development, the change is more sudden, such as an infant’s ability to conceive object permanence.

Is There One Course of Development or Many?

Is development essentially the same, or universal, for all children (i.e., there is one course of development) or does development follow a different course for each child, depending on the child’s specific genetics and environment (i.e., there are many courses of development)? Do people across the world share more similarities or more differences in their development? How much do culture and genetics influence a child’s behavior?

Stage theories hold that the sequence of development is universal. For example, in cross-cultural studies of language development, children from around the world reach language milestones in a similar sequence (Gleitman & Newport, 1995). Infants in all cultures coo before they babble. They begin babbling at about the same age and utter their first word around 12 months old. Yet we live in diverse contexts that have a unique effect on each of us. For example, researchers once believed that motor development follows one course for all children regardless of culture. However, child care practices vary by culture, and different practices have been found to accelerate or inhibit the achievement of developmental milestones such as sitting, crawling, and walking (Karasik, Adolph, Tamis-LeMonda, & Bornstein, 2010).

For instance, let’s look at the Aché society in Paraguay. They spend a significant amount of time foraging in forests. While foraging, Aché mothers carry their young children, rarely putting them down in order to protect them from getting hurt in the forest. Consequently, their children walk much later: They walk around 23–25 months old, in comparison to infants in Western cultures who begin to walk around 12 months old. However, as Aché children become older, they are allowed more freedom to move about, and by about age 9, their motor skills surpass those of U.S. children of the same age: Aché children are able to climb trees up to 25 feet tall and use machetes to chop their way through the forest (Kaplan & Dove, 1987). As you can see, our development is influenced by multiple contexts, so the timing of basic motor functions may vary across cultures. However, the functions themselves are present in all societies ( Figure 9.3 ).

DIG DEEPER: The Achievement Gap: How Does Socioeconomic Status Affect Development?

The achievement gap refers to the persistent difference in grades, test scores, and graduation rates that exist among students of different ethnicities, races, and—in certain subjects—sexes (Winerman, 2011). Research suggests that these achievement gaps are strongly influenced by differences in socioeconomic factors that exist among the families of these children. While the researchers acknowledge that programs aimed at reducing such socioeconomic discrepancies would likely aid in equalizing the aptitude and performance of children from different backgrounds, they recognize that such large-scale interventions would be difficult to achieve. Therefore, it is recommended that programs aimed at fostering aptitude and achievement among disadvantaged children may be the best option for dealing with issues related to academic achievement gaps (Duncan & Magnuson, 2005).

Low-income children perform significantly more poorly than their middle- and high-income peers on a number of educational variables: They have significantly lower standardized test scores, graduation rates, and college entrance rates, and they have much higher school dropout rates. There have been attempts to correct the achievement gap through state and federal legislation, but what if the problems start before the children even enter school?

Psychologists Betty Hart and Todd Risley (2006) spent their careers looking at early language ability and progression of children in various income levels. In one longitudinal study, they found that although all the parents in the study engaged and interacted with their children, middle- and high-income parents interacted with their children differently than low-income parents. After analyzing 1,300 hours of parent-child interactions, the researchers found that middle- and high-income parents talk to their children significantly more, starting when the children are infants. By 3 years old, high-income children knew almost double the number of words known by their low-income counterparts, and they had heard an estimated total of 30 million more words than the low-income counterparts (Hart & Risley, 2003). And the gaps only become more pronounced. Before entering kindergarten, high-income children score 60% higher on achievement tests than their low-income peers (Lee & Burkam, 2002).

There are solutions to this problem. At the University of Chicago, experts are working with low-income families, visiting them at their homes, and encouraging them to speak more to their children on a daily and hourly basis. Other experts are designing preschools in which students from diverse economic backgrounds are placed in the same classroom. In this research, low-income children made significant gains in their language development, likely as a result of attending the specialized preschool (Schechter & Byeb, 2007). What other methods or interventions could be used to decrease the achievement gap? What types of activities could be implemented to help the children of your community or a neighboring community?

How Do Nature and Nurture Influence Development?

Are we who we are because of  nature  (biology and genetics), or are we who we are because of  nurture  (our environment and culture)? This longstanding question is known in psychology as the nature versus nurture debate. It seeks to understand how our personalities and traits are the product of our genetic makeup and biological factors, and how they are shaped by our environment, including our parents, peers, and culture. For instance, why do biological children sometimes act like their parents—is it because of genetics or because of early childhood environment and what the child has learned from the parents? What about children who are adopted—are they more like their biological families or more like their adoptive families? And how can siblings from the same family be so different?

We are all born with specific genetic traits inherited from our parents, such as eye color, height, and certain personality traits. Beyond our basic genotype, however, there is a deep interaction between our genes and our environment: Our unique experiences in our environment influence whether and how particular traits are expressed, and at the same time, our genes influence how we interact with our environment (Diamond, 2009; Lobo, 2008). This chapter will show that there is a reciprocal interaction between nature and nurture as they both shape who we become, but the debate continues as to the relative contributions of each.

It may seem obvious that we are born with certain characteristics while others are acquired, and yet of the three great questions about humans’ relationship with the natural world, only nature-nurture gets referred to as a “debate.” In the history of psychology, no other question has caused so much controversy and offense: We are so concerned with nature-nurture because our very sense of moral character seems to depend on it. While we may admire the athletic skills of a great basketball player, we think of his height as simply a gift, a payoff in the “genetic lottery.” For the same reason, no one blames a short person for his height or someone’s congenital disability on poor decisions: To state the obvious, it’s “not their fault.” But we do praise the concert violinist (and perhaps her parents and teachers as well) for her dedication, just as we condemn cheaters, slackers, and bullies for their bad behavior.

The problem is, most human characteristics aren’t usually as clear-cut as height or instrument-mastery, affirming our nature-nurture expectations strongly one way or the other. In fact, even the great violinist might have some inborn qualities—perfect pitch, or long, nimble fingers—that support and reward her hard work. And the basketball player might have eaten a diet while growing up that promoted his genetic tendency for being tall. When we think about our own qualities, they seem under our control in some respects, yet beyond our control in others. And often the traits that don’t seem to have an obvious cause are the ones that concern us the most and are far more personally significant. What about how much we drink or worry? What about our honesty, or religiosity, or sexual orientation? They all come from that uncertain zone, neither fixed by nature nor totally under our own control.

One major problem with answering nature-nurture questions about people is, how do you set up an experiment? In nonhuman animals, there are relatively straightforward experiments for tackling nature-nurture questions. Say, for example, you are interested in aggressiveness in dogs. You want to test for the more important determinant of aggression: being born to aggressive dogs or being raised by them. You could mate two aggressive dogs—angry Chihuahuas—together, and mate two nonaggressive dogs—happy beagles—together, then switch half the puppies from each litter between the different sets of parents to raise. You would then have puppies born to aggressive parents (the Chihuahuas) but being raised by nonaggressive parents (the Beagles), and vice versa, in litters that mirror each other in puppy distribution. The big questions are: Would the Chihuahua parents raise aggressive beagle puppies? Would the beagle parents raise non aggressive Chihuahua puppies? Would the puppies’  nature  win out, regardless of who raised them? Or… would the result be a combination of nature  and nurture? Much of the most significant nature-nurture research has been done in this way ( Scott & Fuller, 1998 ), and animal breeders have been doing it successfully for thousands of years. In fact, it is fairly easy to breed animals for behavioral traits.

With people, however, we can’t assign babies to parents at random, or select parents with certain behavioral characteristics to mate, merely in the interest of science (though history does include horrific examples of such practices, in misguided attempts at “eugenics,” the shaping of human characteristics through intentional breeding). In typical human families, children’s biological parents raise them, so it is very difficult to know whether children act like their parents due to genetic (nature) or environmental (nurture) reasons. Nevertheless, despite our restrictions on setting up human-based experiments, we do see real-world examples of nature-nurture at work in the human sphere—though they only provide partial answers to our many questions.

The science of how genes and environments work together to influence behavior is called  behavioral genetics . The easiest opportunity we have to observe this is the  adoption study . When children are put up for adoption, the parents who give birth to them are no longer the parents who raise them. This setup isn’t quite the same as the experiments with dogs (children aren’t assigned to random adoptive parents in order to suit the particular interests of a scientist) but adoption still tells us some interesting things or at least confirms some basic expectations. For instance, if the biological child of tall parents were adopted into a family of short people, do you suppose the child’s growth would be affected? What about the biological child of a Spanish-speaking family adopted at birth into an English-speaking family? What language would you expect the child to speak? And what might these outcomes tell you about the difference between height and language in terms of nature-nurture?

Another option for observing nature-nurture in humans involves  twin studies . There are two types of twins: monozygotic (MZ) and dizygotic (DZ). Monozygotic twins, also called “identical” twins, result from a single zygote (fertilized egg) and have the same DNA. They are essentially clones. Dizygotic twins, also known as “fraternal” twins, develop from two zygotes and share 50% of their DNA. Fraternal twins are ordinary siblings who happen to have been born at the same time. To analyze nature-nurture using twins, we compare the similarity of MZ and DZ pairs. Sticking with the features of height and spoken language, let’s take a look at how nature and nurture apply: Identical twins, unsurprisingly, are almost perfectly similar for height. The heights of fraternal twins, however, are like any other sibling pairs: more similar to each other than to people from other families, but hardly identical. This contrast between twin types gives us a clue about the role genetics plays in determining height. Now consider spoken language. If one identical twin speaks Spanish at home, the co-twin with whom she is raised almost certainly does too. But the same would be true for a pair of fraternal twins raised together. In terms of spoken language, fraternal twins are just as similar as identical twins, so it appears that the genetic match of identical twins doesn’t make much difference.

Twin and adoption studies are two instances of a much broader class of methods for observing nature-nurture called  quantitative genetics , the scientific discipline in which similarities among individuals are analyzed based on how biologically related they are. We can do these studies with siblings and half-siblings, cousins, twins who have been separated at birth and raised separately ( Bouchard, Lykken, McGue, & Segal, 1990 ; such twins are very rare and play a smaller role than is commonly believed in the science of nature-nurture), or with entire extended families (see Plomin, DeFries, Knopik, & Neiderhiser, 2012 , for a complete introduction to research methods relevant to nature-nurture).

For better or for worse, contentions about nature-nurture have intensified because quantitative genetics produces a number called a heritability coefficient , varying from 0 to 1, that is meant to provide a single measure of genetics’ influence on a trait. In a general way, a heritability coefficient measures how strongly differences among individuals are related to differences among their genes. But beware Heritability coefficients, although simple to compute, are deceptively difficult to interpret. Nevertheless, numbers that provide simple answers to complicated questions tend to have a strong influence on the human imagination, and a great deal of time has been spent discussing whether the heritability of intelligence or personality or depression is equal to one number or another.

One reason nature-nurture continues to fascinate us so much is that we live in an era of great scientific discovery in genetics, comparable to the times of Copernicus, Galileo, and Newton, with regard to astronomy and physics. Every day, it seems, new discoveries are made, new possibilities proposed. When Francis Galton first started thinking about nature-nurture in the late-19th century he was very influenced by his cousin, Charles Darwin, but genetics per se was unknown. Mendel’s famous work with peas, conducted at about the same time, went undiscovered for 20 years; quantitative genetics was developed in the 1920s; DNA was discovered by Watson and Crick in the 1950s; the human genome was completely sequenced at the turn of the 21st century; and we are now on the verge of being able to obtain the specific DNA sequence of anyone at a relatively low cost. No one knows what this new genetic knowledge will mean for the study of nature-nurture, but as we will see in the next section, answers to nature-nurture questions have turned out to be far more difficult and mysterious than anyone imagined.

What Have We Learned About Nature-Nurture?

It would be satisfying to be able to say that nature-nurture studies have given us conclusive and complete evidence about where traits come from, with some traits clearly resulting from genetics and others almost entirely from environmental factors, such as childrearing practices and personal will; but that is not the case. Instead, everything  has turned out to have some footing in genetics. The more genetically-related people are, the more similar they are—for  everything : height, weight, intelligence, personality, mental illness, etc. Sure, it seems like common sense that some traits have a genetic bias. For example, adopted children resemble their biological parents even if they have never met them, and identical twins are more similar to each other than are fraternal twins. And while certain psychological traits, such as personality or mental illness (e.g., schizophrenia), seem reasonably influenced by genetics, it turns out that the same is true for political attitudes, how much television people watch ( Plomin, Corley, DeFries, & Fulker, 1990 ), and whether or not they get divorced ( McGue & Lykken, 1992 ).

It may seem surprising, but the genetic influence on behavior is a relatively recent discovery. In the middle of the 20th century, psychology was dominated by the doctrine of behaviorism, which held that behavior could only be explained in terms of environmental factors. Psychiatry concentrated on psychoanalysis, which probed for roots of behavior in individuals’ early life-histories. The truth is, neither behaviorism nor psychoanalysis is incompatible with genetic influences on behavior, and neither Freud nor Skinner was naive about the importance of organic processes in behavior. Nevertheless, in their day it was widely thought that children’s personalities were shaped entirely by imitating their parents’ behavior and that schizophrenia was caused by certain kinds of “pathological mothering.” Whatever the outcome of our broader discussion of nature-nurture, the basic fact that the best predictors of an adopted child’s personality or mental health are found in the biological parents he or she has never met, rather than in the adoptive parents who raised him or her, presents a significant challenge to purely environmental explanations of personality or psychopathology. The message is clear: You can’t leave genes out of the equation. But keep in mind, no behavioral traits are completely inherited, so you can’t leave the environment out altogether, either.

Trying to untangle the various ways nature-nurture influences human behavior can be messy, and often common-sense notions can get in the way of good science. One very significant contribution of behavioral genetics that has changed psychology for good can be very helpful to keep in mind: When your subjects are biologically-related, no matter how clearly a situation may seem to point to environmental influence, it is never safe to interpret a behavior as wholly the result of nurture without further evidence. For example, when presented with data showing that children whose mothers read to them often are likely to have better reading scores in third grade, it is tempting to conclude that reading to your kids out loud is important to success in school; this may well be true, but the study as described is inconclusive because there are genetic as well as  environmental pathways between the parenting practices of mothers and the abilities of their children. This is a case where “correlation does not imply causation,” as they say. To establish that reading aloud causes success, a scientist can either study the problem in adoptive families (in which the genetic pathway is absent) or by finding a way to randomly assign children to oral reading conditions.

The outcomes of nature-nurture studies have fallen short of our expectations (of establishing clear-cut bases for traits) in many ways. The most disappointing outcome has been the inability to organize traits from more – to  less -genetic. As noted earlier, everything has turned out to be at least  somewhat  heritable (passed down), yet nothing has turned out to be  absolutely  heritable, and there hasn’t been much consistency as to which traits are  more  heritable and which are  less  heritable once other considerations (such as how accurately the trait can be measured) are taken into account ( Turkheimer, 2000 ). The problem is conceptual: The heritability coefficient, and, in fact, the whole quantitative structure that underlies it, does not match up with our nature-nurture intuitions. We want to know how “important” the roles of genes and environment are to the development of a trait, but in focusing on “important” maybe we’re emphasizing the wrong thing. First of all, genes and environment are both crucial to every trait; without genes, the environment would have nothing to work on, and too, genes cannot develop in a vacuum. Even more important, because nature-nurture questions look at the differences among people, the cause of a given trait depends not only on the trait itself but also on the differences in that trait between members of the group being studied.

The difficulties with finding clear-cut solutions to nature-nurture problems bring us back to the other great questions about our relationship with the natural world: the mind-body problem and free will. Investigations into what we mean when we say we are aware of something reveal that consciousness is not simply the product of a particular area of the brain, nor does choice turn out to be an orderly activity that we can apply to some behaviors but not others. So it is with nature and nurture: What at first may seem to be a straightforward matter, able to be indexed with a single number, becomes more and more complicated the closer we look. The many questions we can ask about the intersection among genes, environments, and human traits—how sensitive are traits to environmental change, and how common are those influential environments; are parents or culture more relevant; how sensitive are traits to differences in genes, and how much do the relevant genes vary in a particular population; does the trait involve a single gene or a great many genes; is the trait more easily described in genetic or more-complex behavioral terms?—may have different answers, and the answer to one tells us little about the answers to the others.

It is tempting to predict that the more we understand the wide-ranging effects of genetic differences on all human characteristics—especially behavioral ones—our cultural, ethical, legal, and personal ways of thinking about ourselves will have to undergo profound changes in response. Perhaps criminal proceedings will consider genetic background. Parents, presented with the genetic sequence of their children, will be faced with difficult decisions about reproduction. These hopes or fears are often exaggerated. In some ways, our thinking may need to change—for example, when we consider the meaning behind the fundamental American principle that all men are created equal. Human beings differ, and like all evolved organisms they differ genetically. The Declaration of Independence predates Darwin and Mendel, but it is hard to imagine that Jefferson—whose genius encompassed botany as well as moral philosophy—would have been alarmed to learn about the genetic diversity of organisms. One of the most important things modern genetics has taught us is that almost all human behavior is too complex to be nailed down, even from the most complete genetic information, unless we’re looking at identical twins. The science of nature and nurture has demonstrated that genetic differences among people are vital to human moral equality, freedom, and self-determination, not opposed to them. As Mordecai Kaplan said about the role of the past in Jewish theology, genetics gets a vote, not a veto, in the determination of human behavior. We should indulge our fascination with nature-nurture while resisting the temptation to oversimplify it.

CONNECT THE CONCEPTS: Neuroconstructivism

The genetic environmental correlation you’ve learned about concerning the bidirectional influence of genes and the environment has been explored in more recent theories (Newcombe, 2011). One such theory, neuroconstructivism, suggests that neural brain development influences cognitive development. Experiences that a child encounters can impact or change the way that neural pathways develop in response to the environment. An individual’s behavior is based on how one understands the world. There is interaction between neural and cognitive networks at and between each level, consisting of these:

• social environment

These interactions shape mental representations in the brain and are dependent on context that individuals actively explore throughout their lifetimes (Westermann, Mareschal, Johnson, Sirois, Spratling, & Thomas, 2007).

An example of this would be a child who may be genetically predisposed to a difficult temperament. They may have parents who provide a social environment in which they are encouraged to express themselves in an optimal manner. The child’s brain would form neural connections enhanced by that environment, thus influencing the brain. The brain gives information to the body about how it will experience the environment. Thus, neural and cognitive networks work together to influence genes (i.e., attenuating temperament), body (i.e., may be less prone to high blood pressure), and social environment (i.e., may seek people who are similar to them).

From the moment we are conceived until the moment we die, we continue to develop.

As discussed at the beginning of this chapter, developmental psychologists often divide our development into three areas: physical development, cognitive development, and psychosocial development. Mirroring Erikson’s stages, lifespan development is divided into different stages that are based on age. We will discuss prenatal, infant, child, adolescent, and adult development.

• Describe the stages of prenatal development, infancy, childhood, and adolescence
• Describe the stages of emerging, early, middle, and late adulthood

Prenatal Development

Conception occurs and development begins. There  are three stages of prenatal development: germinal, embryonic, and fetal periods.  All of the major structures of the body are forming and the health of the mother is of primary concern.  There are various approaches to labor, delivery, and childbirth, with potential complications of pregnancy and delivery, as well as risks and complications with newborns, but also advances in tests, technology, and medicine. The influences of nature (e.g., genetics) and nurture (e.g., nutrition and teratogens, which are environmental factors during pregnancy that can lead to birth defects) are evident. Evolutionary psychology, along with studies of twins and adoptions, help us understand the interplay of factors and the relative influences of nature and nurture on human development.

Infancy and Toddlerhood

The first year and a half to two years of life are ones of dramatic growth and change. A newborn, with many involuntary reflexes and a keen sense of hearing but poor vision, is transformed into a walking, talking toddler within a relatively short period of time. Caregivers similarly transform their roles from those who manage feeding and sleep schedules to constantly moving guides and safety inspectors for mobile, energetic children. Brain development happens at a remarkable rate, as does physical growth and language development. Infants have their own temperaments and approaches to play. Interactions with primary caregivers (and others) undergo changes influenced by possible separation anxiety and the development of attachment styles. Social and cultural issues center around breastfeeding or formula-feeding, sleeping in cribs or in the bed with parents, toilet training, and whether or not to get vaccinations.

Early Childhood

Early childhood is also referred to as the preschool years, consisting of the years that follow toddlerhood and precede formal schooling, roughly from around ages 2 to 5 or 6. As a preschooler, the child is busy learning language (with amazing growth in vocabulary), is gaining a sense of self and greater independence, and is beginning to learn the workings of the physical world. This knowledge does not come quickly, however, and preschoolers may initially have interesting conceptions of size, time, space, and distance, such as demonstrating how long something will take by holding out their two index fingers several inches apart. A toddler’s fierce determination to do something may give way to a four-year-old’s sense of guilt for doing something that brings the disapproval of others.

Middle Childhood

The ages of 6-11 comprise middle childhood and much of what children experience at this age is connected to their involvement in the early grades of school. Now the world becomes one of learning and testing new academic skills and assessing one’s abilities and accomplishments by making comparisons between self and others. Schools participate in this process by comparing students and making these comparisons public through team sports, test scores, and other forms of recognition. The brain reaches its adult size around age seven, but it continues to develop. Growth rates slow down and children are able to refine their motor skills at this point in life. Children also begin to learn about social relationships beyond the family through interaction with friends and fellow students; same-sex friendships are particularly salient during this period.

Adolescence

Adolescence is a period of dramatic physical change marked by an overall physical growth spurt and sexual maturation, known as puberty; timing may vary by gender, cohort, and culture. It is also a time of cognitive change as the adolescent begins to think of new possibilities and to consider abstract concepts such as love, fear, and freedom. Ironically, adolescents have a sense of invincibility that puts them at greater risk of dying from accidents or contracting sexually transmitted infections that can have lifelong consequences. Research on brain development helps us understand teen risk-taking and impulsive behavior. A major developmental task during adolescence involves establishing one’s own identity. Teens typically struggle to become more independent from their parents. Peers become more important, as teens strive for a sense of belonging and acceptance; mixed-sex peer groups become more common. New roles and responsibilities are explored, which may involve dating, driving, taking on a part-time job, and planning for future academics.

Emerging Adulthood

The next stage of development is  emerging adulthood . This is a relatively newly defined period of lifespan development spanning from 18 years old to the mid-20s, characterized as an in-between time where identity exploration is focused on work and love. When does a person become an adult? There are many ways to answer this question. In the United States, you are legally considered an adult at 18 years old. But other definitions of adulthood vary widely; in sociology, for example, a person may be considered an adult when she becomes self-supporting, chooses a career, gets married, or starts a family. The ages at which we achieve these milestones vary from person to person as well as from culture to culture.

Why is it taking twentysomethings so long to grow up? It seems that emerging adulthood is a product of both Western culture and our current times (Arnett, 2000). People in developed countries are living longer, allowing the freedom to take an extra decade to start a career and family. Changes in the workforce also play a role. For example, 50 years ago, a young adult with a high school diploma could immediately enter the workforce and climb the corporate ladder. That is no longer the case. Bachelor’s and even graduate degrees are required more and more often—even for entry-level jobs (Arnett, 2000). In addition, many students are taking longer (five or six years) to complete a college degree as a result of working and going to school at the same time. After graduation, many young adults return to the family home because they have difficulty finding a job. Changing cultural expectations may be the most important reason for the delay in entering adult roles. Young people are spending more time exploring their options, so they are delaying marriage and work as they change majors and jobs multiple times, putting them on a much later timetable than their parents (Arnett, 2000).

Early Adulthood

Late teens, twenties, and thirties are often thought of as early adulthood (students who are in their mid to late 30s may love to hear that they are young adults!). It is a time when we are at our physiological peak but are most at risk for involvement in violent crimes and substance abuse. It is a time of focusing on the future and putting a lot of energy into making choices that will help one earn the status of a full adult in the eyes of others. Love and work are the primary concerns at this stage of life. In recent decades, it has been noted (in the U.S. and other developed countries) that young adults are taking longer to “grow up.” They are waiting longer to move out of their parents’ homes, finish their formal education, take on work/careers, get married, and have children. One psychologist, Jeffrey Arnett, has proposed that there is a new stage of development after adolescence and before early adulthood, called “emerging adulthood,” from 18 to 25 (or even 29) when individuals are still exploring their identities and don’t quite feel like adults yet. Cohort, culture, time in history, the economy, and socioeconomic status may be key factors in when youth take on adult roles.

Middle Adulthood

Age 40 through the mid-60s are referred to as middle adulthood. This is a period in which physiological aging that began earlier becomes more noticeable and a period at which many people are at their peak of productivity in love and work. It may be a period of gaining expertise in certain fields and being able to understand problems and find solutions with greater efficiency than before. It can also be a time of becoming more realistic about possibilities in life; of recognizing the difference between what is possible and what is likely. Referred to as the sandwich generation, middle-aged adults may be in the middle of taking care of their children and also taking care of their aging parents. While caring about others and the future, middle-aged adults may also be questioning their own mortality, goals, and commitments, though not necessarily experiencing a “mid-life crisis.”

Late Adulthood

This period of the lifespan, late adulthood, has increased in the last 100 years, particularly in industrialized countries, as average life expectancy has increased. Late adulthood covers a wide age range with a lot of variation, so it is helpful to divide it into categories such as the “young old” (65-74 years old), “old old” (75-84 years old), and “oldest old” (85+ years old). The young old are similar to middle-aged adults; possibly still working, married, relatively healthy, and active. The old old have some health problems and challenges with daily living activities; the oldest old are often frail and in need of long-term care. However, many factors are involved and a better way to appreciate the diversity of older adults is to go beyond chronological age and examine whether a person is experiencing optimal aging (like the gentleman pictured in Figure 8 who is in very good health for his age and continues to have an active, stimulating life), normal aging (in which the changes are similar to most of those of the same age), or impaired aging (referring to someone who has more physical challenge and disease than others of the same age).

Death and Dying

The study of death and dying is seldom given the amount of coverage it deserves. Of course, there is a certain discomfort in thinking about death, but there is also a certain confidence and acceptance that can come from studying death and d ying. Factors such as age, religion, and culture play important roles in attitudes and approaches to death and dying. There are different types of death: physiological, psychological, and social. The most common causes of death vary with age, gender, race, culture, and time in history. Dying and grieving are processes and may share certain stages of reactions to loss. There are interesting examples of cultural variations in death rituals, mourning, and grief. The concept of a “good death” is described as including personal choices and the involvement of loved ones throughout the process. Palliative care is an approach to maintain dying individuals’ comfort level, and hospice is a movement and practice that involves professional and volunteer care and loved ones. Controversy surrounds euthanasia (helping a person fulfill their wish to die)—active and passive types, as well as physician-assisted suicide, and legality varies within the United States. 

DIG DEEPER: Stress and Aging: A Tale of Telomeres

Have you ever wondered why people who are stressed often seem to have a haggard look about them? A pioneering study from 2004 suggests that the reason is that stress can actually accelerate the cell biology of aging.

Stress, it seems, can shorten telomeres, which are segments of DNA that protect the ends of chromosomes. Shortened telomeres can inhibit or block cell division, which includes the growth and proliferation of new cells, thereby leading to more rapid aging (Sapolsky, 2004). In the study, researchers compared telomere  lengths in the white blood cells in mothers of chronically ill children to those of mothers of healthy children (Epel et al., 2004). Mothers of chronically ill children would be expected to experience more stress than would mothers of healthy children. The longer a mother had spent caring for her ill child, the shorter her telomeres (the correlation between years of caregiving and telomere length was  r  = -.40). In addition, higher levels of perceived stress were negatively correlated with telomere size ( r  = -.31). These researchers also found that the average telomere length of the most stressed mothers, compared to the least stressed, was similar to what you would find in people who were 9–17 years older than they were on average.

Numerous other studies have continued to find associations between stress and eroded telomeres (Blackburn & Epel, 2012). Some studies have even demonstrated that stress can begin to erode telomeres in childhood and perhaps even before children are born. For example, childhood exposure to violence (e.g., maternal domestic violence, bullying victimization, and physical maltreatment) was found in one study to accelerate telomere erosion from ages 5 to 10 (Shalev et al., 2013). Another study reported that young adults whose mothers had experienced severe stress during their pregnancy had shorter telomeres than did those whose mothers had stress-free and uneventful pregnancies (Entringer et al., 2011). Further, the corrosive effects of childhood stress on telomeres can extend into young adulthood. In an investigation of over 4,000 U.K. women ages 41–80, adverse experiences during childhood (e.g., physical abuse, being sent away from home, and parent divorce) were associated with shortened telomere length (Surtees et al., 2010), and telomere size decreased as the amount of experienced adversity increased ( Figure 14.16 ).

Efforts to dissect the precise cellular and physiological mechanisms linking short telomeres to stress and disease are currently underway. For the time being, telomeres provide us with yet another reminder that stress, especially during early life, can be just as harmful to our health as smoking or fast food (Blackburn & Epel, 2012).

• Discuss Freud’s theory of psychosexual development
• Describe the major tasks of child and adult psychosocial development according to Erikson
• Discuss Piaget’s view of cognitive development and apply the stages to understanding childhood cognition
• Describe Kohlberg’s theory of moral development
• Compare and contrast the strengths and weaknesses of major developmental theories

There are many theories regarding how babies and children grow and develop into happy, healthy adults. We explore several of these theories in this section.

Psychosexual Theory of Development

Sigmund  Freud (1856–1939) believed that personality develops during early childhood. For Freud, childhood experiences shape our personalities and behavior as adults. Freud viewed development as discontinuous; he believed that each of us must pass through a series of stages during childhood and that if we lack proper nurturance and parenting during a stage, we may become stuck, or fixated, in that stage. Freud’s stages are called the stages of  psychosexual development . According to Freud, children’s pleasure-seeking urges are focused on a different area of the body, called an erogenous zone, at each of the five stages of development: oral, anal, phallic, latency, and genital.

While most of Freud’s ideas have not found support in modern research, we cannot discount the contributions that Freud has made to the field of psychology. Psychologists today dispute Freud’s psychosexual stages as a legitimate explanation for how one’s personality develops, but what we can take away from Freud’s theory is that personality is shaped, in some part, by experiences we have in childhood. Other psychologists, often called the Neo-Freudians built off of Freud’s original theories, but made them their own. One prominent Neo-Freudian was Erik Erikson.

Psychosocial Theory of Development

Erik  Erikson  (1902–1994) ( Figure 9.4 ), another stage theorist, took Freud’s theory and modified it as psychosocial theory. Erikson’s  psychosocial development  theory emphasizes the social nature of our development rather than its sexual nature. While Freud believed that personality is shaped only in childhood, Erikson proposed that personality development takes place all through the lifespan. Erikson suggested that how we interact with others is what affects our sense of self, or what he called the ego identity.

Erikson proposed that we are motivated by a need to achieve competence in certain areas of our lives. According to psychosocial theory, we experience eight stages of development over our lifespan, from infancy through late adulthood. At each stage, there is a conflict, or task, that we need to resolve. Successful completion of each developmental task results in a sense of competence and a healthy personality. Failure to master these tasks leads to feelings of inadequacy.

Cognitive Theory of Development

Jean  Piaget  (1896–1980) is another stage theorist who studied childhood development ( Figure 9.5 ). Instead of approaching development from a psychoanalytical or psychosocial perspective, Piaget focused on children’s cognitive growth. He believed that thinking is a central aspect of development and that children are naturally inquisitive. However, he said that children do not think and reason like adults (Piaget, 1930, 1932). His theory of cognitive development holds that our cognitive abilities develop through specific stages, which exemplifies the discontinuity approach to development. As we progress to a new stage, there is a distinct shift in how we think and reason.

Piaget said that children develop schemata to help them understand the world.  Schemata  are concepts (mental models) that are used to help us categorize and interpret information. By the time children have reached adulthood, they have created schemata for almost everything. When children learn new information, they adjust their schemata through two processes: assimilation and accommodation. First, they assimilate new information or experiences in terms of their current schemata:  assimilation  is when they take in information that is comparable to what they already know.  Accommodation  describes when they change their schemata based on new information. This process continues as children interact with their environment.

For example, 2-year-old Abdul learned the schema for dogs because his family has a Labrador retriever. When Abdul sees other dogs in his picture books, he says, “Look mommy, dog!” Thus, he has assimilated them into his schema for dogs. One day, Abdul sees a sheep for the first time and says, “Look mommy, dog!” Having a basic schema that a dog is an animal with four legs and fur, Abdul thinks all furry, four-legged creatures are dogs. When Abdul’s mom tells him that the animal he sees is a sheep, not a dog, Abdul must accommodate his schema for dogs to include more information based on his new experiences. Abdul’s schema for dog was too broad, since not all furry, four-legged creatures are dogs. He now modifies his schema for dogs and forms a new one for sheep.

Like Freud and Erikson, Piaget thought development unfolds in a series of stages approximately associated with age ranges. He proposed a theory of cognitive development that unfolds in four stages: sensorimotor, preoperational, concrete operational, and formal operational ( Table 9.2 ).

As with other major contributors to theories of development, several of Piaget’s ideas have come under criticism based on the results of further research. For example, several contemporary studies support a model of development that is more continuous than Piaget’s discrete stages (Courage & Howe, 2002; Siegler, 2005, 2006). Many others suggest that children reach cognitive milestones earlier than Piaget describes (Baillargeon, 2004; de Hevia & Spelke, 2010).

Lev Vygotsky was a Russian psychologist who proposed a sociocultural theory of development. He suggested that human development is rooted in one’s culture. A child’s social world, for example, forms the basis for the formation of language and thought. The language one speaks and the ways a person thinks about things is dependent on one’s cultural background. Vygotsky also considered historical influences as key to one’s development. He was interested in the process of development and the individual’s interactions with their environment (John-Steiner & Mahn, 1996).

Moral Theory Of Development

A major task beginning in childhood and continuing into adolescence is discerning right from wrong. Psychologist Lawrence  Kohlberg  (1927–1987) extended upon the foundation that Piaget built regarding cognitive development. Kohlberg believed that moral development, like cognitive development, follows a series of stages. To develop this theory, Kohlberg posed moral dilemmas to people of all ages, and then he analyzed their answers to find evidence of their particular stage of moral development.

After presenting people with this and various other moral dilemmas, Kohlberg reviewed people’s responses and placed them in different  stages of moral reasoning  ( Figure 9.6 ). According to Kohlberg, an individual progresses from the capacity for pre-conventional morality (before age 9) to the capacity for conventional morality (early adolescence), and toward attaining post-conventional morality (once formal operational thought is attained), which only a few fully achieve.

It is important to realize that even those people who have the most sophisticated, post-conventional reasons for some choices may make other choices for the simplest of pre-conventional reasons. Many psychologists agree with Kohlberg’s theory of moral development but point out that moral reasoning is very different from moral behavior. Sometimes what we say we would do in a situation is not what we actually do in that situation. In other words, we might “talk the talk,” but not “walk the walk.”

How does this theory apply to males and females? Kohlberg (1969) felt that more males than females move past stage four in their moral development. He went on to note that women seem to be deficient in their moral reasoning abilities. These ideas were not well received by Carol Gilligan, a research assistant of Kohlberg, who consequently developed her own ideas of moral development. In her groundbreaking book,  In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women’s Development , Gilligan (1982) criticized her former mentor’s theory because it was based only on upper-class White men and boys. She argued that women are not deficient in their moral reasoning—she proposed that males and females reason differently. Girls and women focus more on staying connected and the importance of interpersonal relationships.

Additional Supplemental Resources

• This website discusses the growing need for geropsychologists, psychologists who work with older adults and lists a variety of opportunities within the field.
• This step-by-step educational roadmap to help guide students through undergrad and graduate school to find a career in aging.
• The ways in which we process information changes over time, and in this video you’ll take a look at how the thinking of infants differs from that of other age groups. Closed captioning available.
• This video on the growth of knowledge includes information on topics such as maturation, Piaget’s theory, and Vygotsky’s theory. Closed captioning available.
• This video on monkeys and morality includes information on experiments by Harlow and Ainsworth, parenting styles, and the development of morality. Closed captioning available.
• This video on adolescence includes information on topics such as Erikson’s stages, fluid and crystallized intelligence, and dementia. Closed captioning available.
• Learn more about how psychology research is conducted through the work of a neuropsychologist who studies how cultural experiences affect our brains as we age. Closed captioning available.
• See how developmental psychologists conduct research with young children. Closed captioning available.

Introduction to Psychology Copyright © 2020 by Julie Lazzara is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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72 What is Lifespan Development?

Learning Objectives

• Define and distinguish physical, cognitive and psychosocial domains of development
• Discuss the normative approach to development
• Understand the three major issues in development: continuity and discontinuity, one common course of development or many unique courses of development, and nature versus nurture

Consider the following questions: To what extent is the adult you are today influenced by the child you once were? To what extent is a child fundamentally different from the adult he grows up to be?

These are the types of questions developmental psychologists try to answer, by studying how humans change and grow from conception through childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and death. They view development as a lifelong process that can be studied scientifically across three developmental domains—physical, cognitive, and psychosocial development.  Physical development  involves growth and changes in the body and brain, the senses, motor skills, and health and wellness.  Cognitive development  involves learning, attention, memory, language, thinking, reasoning, and creativity.  Psychosocial development  involves emotions, personality, and social relationships. We refer to these domains throughout the chapter.

Research Methods in Developmental Psychology

TRICKY TOPIC: DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH DESIGN

If the video above does not load, click here:  https://youtu.be/q6h9e2J73xU

You’ve learned about a variety of research methods used by psychologists. Developmental psychologists use many of these approaches in order to better understand how individuals change mentally and physically over time. These methods include naturalistic observations, case studies, surveys, and experiments, among others.

Naturalistic observations involve observing behaviour in its natural context. A developmental psychologist might observe how children behave on a playground, at a daycare centre, or in the child’s own home. While this research approach provides a glimpse into how children behave in their natural settings, researchers have very little control over the types and/or frequencies of displayed behaviour.

In a case study, developmental psychologists collect a great deal of information from one individual in order to better understand physical and psychological changes over the lifespan. This particular approach is an excellent way to better understand individuals, who are exceptional in some way, but it is especially prone to researcher bias in interpretation, and it is difficult to generalize conclusions to the larger population.

The survey method asks individuals to self-report important information about their thoughts, experiences, and beliefs. This particular method can provide large amounts of information in relatively short amounts of time; however, validity of data collected in this way relies on honest self-reporting, and the data is relatively shallow when compared to the depth of information collected in a case study. An example of comprehensive survey was the research done by Ruth W. Howard. In 1947, she obtained her doctorate by surveying 229 sets of triplets, the most comprehensive research of triplets completed at the time. This pioneering woman was also the first African-American woman to earn a PhD in psychology (American Psychological Association, 2019).

Experiments involve significant control over extraneous variables and manipulation of the independent variable. As such, experimental research allows developmental psychologists to make causal statements about certain variables that are important for the developmental process. Because experimental research must occur in a controlled environment, researchers must be cautious about whether behaviours observed in the laboratory translate to an individual’s natural environment.

Later in this chapter, you will learn about several experiments in which toddlers and young children observe scenes or actions so that researchers can determine at what age specific cognitive abilities develop. For example, children may observe a quantity of liquid poured from a short, fat glass into a tall, skinny glass. As the experimenters question the children about what occurred, the subjects’ answers help psychologists understand at what age a child begins to comprehend that the volume of liquid remained the same although the shapes of the containers differs.

Across these three domains—physical, cognitive, and psychosocial—the  normative approach  to development is also discussed. This approach asks, “What is normal development?” In the early decades of the 20th century, normative psychologists studied large numbers of children at various ages to determine norms (i.e., average ages) of when most children reach specific developmental milestones in each of the three domains (Gesell, 1933, 1939, 1940; Gesell & Ilg, 1946; Hall, 1904). Although children develop at slightly different rates, we can use these age-related averages as general guidelines to compare children with same-age peers to determine the approximate ages they should reach specific normative events called  developmental milestones  (e.g., crawling, walking, writing, dressing, naming colours, speaking in sentences, and starting puberty).

Not all normative events are universal, meaning they are not experienced by all individuals across all cultures. Bi ological milestones, such as puberty, tend to be universal, but social milestones, such as the age when children begin formal schooling, are not necessarily universal; instead, they affect most individuals in a particular culture (Gesell & Ilg , 1946).

Issues in Developmental Psychology

There are many different theoretical approaches regarding human development. As we evaluate them in this chapter, recall that developmental psychology focuses on how people change;  all the approaches presented in this chapter address questions of change: Is the change smooth or uneven (continuous versus discontinuous)? Is this pattern of change the same for everyone, or are there many different patterns of change (one course of development versus many courses)? How do genetics and environment interact to influence development (nature versus nurture)?  

Is Development Continuous or Discontinuous?

Continuous development  views development as a cumulative process, gradually improving on existing skills ( Figure LD.2 ). With this type of development, there is gradual change. Consider, for example, a child’s physical growth: adding inches to height year by year. In contrast, theorists who view development as  discontinuous  believe that development takes place in unique stages: It occurs at specific times or ages. With this type of development, the change is more sudden, such as an infant’s ability to conceive object permanence (the idea that even if something is out of sight, it still exists).

Is There One Course of Development or Many?

Is development essentially the same, or universal, for all children (i.e., there is one course of development) or does development follow a different course for each child, depending on the child’s specific genetics and environment (i.e., there are many courses of development)? Do people across the world share more similarities or more differences in their development? How much do culture and genetics influence a child’s behaviour?

Stage theories hold that the sequence of development is universal. For example, in cross-cultural studies of language development, children from around the world reach language milestones in a similar sequence (Gleitman & Newport, 1995). Infants in all cultures coo before they babble. They begin babbling at about the same age and utter their first word around 12 months old. Yet we live in diverse contexts that have a unique effect on each of us. For example, researchers once believed that motor development follows one course for all children regardless of culture. However, child care practices vary by culture, and different practices have been found to  a lter the timing of developmental milestones such as sitting, crawling, and walking ( Karasik , Adolph, Tamis- LeMonda , & Bornstein, 2010).  

For instance, let’s look at the Aché society in Paraguay. They spend a significant amount of time foraging in forests. While foraging, Aché mothers carry their young children, rarely putting them down in order to protect them from getting hurt in the forest. Consequently, their children walk much later: They walk around 23–25 months old, in comparison to infants in Western cultures who begin to walk around 12 months old. However, as Aché children become older, they are allowed more freedom to move about, and by about age 9, their motor skills surpass those of U.S. children of the same age: Aché children are able to climb trees up to 25 feet tall and use machetes to chop their way through the forest (Kaplan & Dove, 1987). So,  development can be influenced by different contexts, but the functions themselves are present in all societies ( Figure LD.3 ).

To what extent do nature (biology and genetics) and nurture (environment and culture) contribute to development? We are all born with specific genetic traits inherited from our parents, such as eye colour , height, and certain personality traits. T here is a lso a deep interaction between our genes and our environment: Our unique experiences in our environment influence whether and how particular traits are expressed, and at the same time, our genes influence how we interact with our environment (Diamond, 2009; Lobo, 2008). This chapter will show that there is a reciprocal interaction between nature and nurture as they both shape who we become, but the debate continues as to the relative contributions of each.  

Introduction to Psychology & Neuroscience Copyright © 2020 by Edited by Leanne Stevens is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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49 What Is Lifespan Development?

[latexpage]

Learning Objectives

By the end of this section, you will be able to:

• Define and distinguish between the three domains of development: physical, cognitive and psychosocial
• Discuss the normative approach to development
• Understand the three major issues in development: continuity and discontinuity, one common course of development or many unique courses of development, and nature versus nurture

My heart leaps up when I behold A rainbow in the sky: So was it when my life began; So is it now I am a man; So be it when I shall grow old, Or let me die! The Child is father of the Man; I could wish my days to be Bound each to each by natural piety. (Wordsworth, 1802)

In this poem, William Wordsworth writes, “the child is father of the man.” What does this seemingly incongruous statement mean, and what does it have to do with lifespan development? Wordsworth might be suggesting that the person he is as an adult depends largely on the experiences he had in childhood. Consider the following questions: To what extent is the adult you are today influenced by the child you once were? To what extent is a child fundamentally different from the adult he grows up to be?

These are the types of questions developmental psychologists try to answer, by studying how humans change and grow from conception through childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and death. They view development as a lifelong process that can be studied scientifically across three developmental domains—physical, cognitive, and psychosocial development. Physical development involves growth and changes in the body and brain, the senses, motor skills, and health and wellness. Cognitive development involves learning, attention, memory, language, thinking, reasoning, and creativity. Psychosocial development involves emotions, personality, and social relationships. We refer to these domains throughout the chapter.

You’ve learned about a variety of research methods used by psychologists. Developmental psychologists use many of these approaches in order to better understand how individuals change mentally and physically over time. These methods include naturalistic observations, case studies, surveys, and experiments, among others.

Naturalistic observations involve observing behavior in its natural context. A developmental psychologist might observe how children behave on a playground, at a daycare center, or in the child’s own home. While this research approach provides a glimpse into how children behave in their natural settings, researchers have very little control over the types and/or frequencies of displayed behavior.

In a case study, developmental psychologists collect a great deal of information from one individual in order to better understand physical and psychological changes over the lifespan. This particular approach is an excellent way to better understand individuals, who are exceptional in some way, but it is especially prone to researcher bias in interpretation, and it is difficult to generalize conclusions to the larger population.

In one classic example of this research method being applied to a study of lifespan development Sigmund Freud analyzed the development of a child known as “Little Hans” (Freud, 1909/1949). Freud’s findings helped inform his theories of psychosexual development in children, which you will learn about later in this chapter. Little Genie, the subject of a case study discussed in the chapter on thinking and intelligence, provides another example of how psychologists examine developmental milestones through detailed research on a single individual. In Genie’s case, her neglectful and abusive upbringing led to her being unable to speak until, at age 13, she was removed from that harmful environment. As she learned to use language, psychologists were able to compare how her language acquisition abilities differed when occurring in her late-stage development compared to the typical acquisition of those skills during the ages of infancy through early childhood (Fromkin, Krashen, Curtiss, Rigler, & Rigler, 1974; Curtiss, 1981).

The survey method asks individuals to self-report important information about their thoughts, experiences, and beliefs. This particular method can provide large amounts of information in relatively short amounts of time; however, validity of data collected in this way relies on honest self-reporting, and the data is relatively shallow when compared to the depth of information collected in a case study.

Experiments involve significant control over extraneous variables and manipulation of the independent variable. As such, experimental research allows developmental psychologists to make causal statements about certain variables that are important for the developmental process. Because experimental research must occur in a controlled environment, researchers must be cautious about whether behaviors observed in the laboratory translate to an individual’s natural environment.

Later in this chapter, you will learn about several experiments in which toddlers and young children observe scenes or actions so that researchers can determine at what age specific cognitive abilities develop. For example, children may observe a quantity of liquid poured from a short, fat glass into a tall, skinny glass. As the experimenters question the children about what occurred, the subjects’ answers help psychologists understand at what age a child begins to comprehend that the volume of liquid remained the same although the shapes of the containers differs.

Across these three domains—physical, cognitive, and psychosocial—the normative approach to development is also discussed. This approach asks, “What is normal development?” In the early decades of the 20th century, normative psychologists studied large numbers of children at various ages to determine norms (i.e., average ages) of when most children reach specific developmental milestones in each of the three domains (Gesell, 1933, 1939, 1940; Gesell & Ilg, 1946; Hall, 1904). Although children develop at slightly different rates, we can use these age-related averages as general guidelines to compare children with same-age peers to determine the approximate ages they should reach specific normative events called developmental milestones (e.g., crawling, walking, writing, dressing, naming colors, speaking in sentences, and starting puberty).

Not all normative events are universal, meaning they are not experienced by all individuals across all cultures. Biological milestones, such as puberty, tend to be universal, but social milestones, such as the age when children begin formal schooling, are not necessarily universal; instead, they affect most individuals in a particular culture (Gesell & Ilg, 1946). For example, in developed countries children begin school around 5 or 6 years old, but in developing countries, like Nigeria, children often enter school at an advanced age, if at all (Huebler, 2005; United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization [UNESCO], 2013).

To better understand the normative approach, imagine two new mothers, Louisa and Kimberly, who are close friends and have children around the same age. Louisa’s daughter is 14 months old, and Kimberly’s son is 12 months old. According to the normative approach, the average age a child starts to walk is 12 months. However, at 14 months Louisa’s daughter still isn’t walking. She tells Kimberly she is worried that something might be wrong with her baby. Kimberly is surprised because her son started walking when he was only 10 months old. Should Louisa be worried? Should she be concerned if her daughter is not walking by 15 months or 18 months?

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) describes the developmental milestones for children from 2 months through 5 years old. After reviewing the information, take this quiz to see how well you recall what you’ve learned. If you are a parent with concerns about your child’s development, contact your pediatrician.

ISSUES IN DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY

There are many different theoretical approaches regarding human development. As we evaluate them in this chapter, recall that developmental psychology focuses on how people change, and keep in mind that all the approaches that we present in this chapter address questions of change: Is the change smooth or uneven (continuous versus discontinuous)? Is this pattern of change the same for everyone, or are there many different patterns of change (one course of development versus many courses)? How do genetics and environment interact to influence development (nature versus nurture)?

Is Development Continuous or Discontinuous?

Continuous development views development as a cumulative process, gradually improving on existing skills ( [link] ). With this type of development, there is gradual change. Consider, for example, a child’s physical growth: adding inches to her height year by year. In contrast, theorists who view development as discontinuous believe that development takes place in unique stages: It occurs at specific times or ages. With this type of development, the change is more sudden, such as an infant’s ability to conceive object permanence.

Is There One Course of Development or Many?

Is development essentially the same, or universal, for all children (i.e., there is one course of development) or does development follow a different course for each child, depending on the child’s specific genetics and environment (i.e., there are many courses of development)? Do people across the world share more similarities or more differences in their development? How much do culture and genetics influence a child’s behavior?

Stage theories hold that the sequence of development is universal. For example, in cross-cultural studies of language development, children from around the world reach language milestones in a similar sequence (Gleitman & Newport, 1995). Infants in all cultures coo before they babble. They begin babbling at about the same age and utter their first word around 12 months old. Yet we live in diverse contexts that have a unique effect on each of us. For example, researchers once believed that motor development follows one course for all children regardless of culture. However, child care practices vary by culture, and different practices have been found to accelerate or inhibit achievement of developmental milestones such as sitting, crawling, and walking (Karasik, Adolph, Tamis-LeMonda, & Bornstein, 2010).

For instance, let’s look at the Aché society in Paraguay. They spend a significant amount of time foraging in forests. While foraging, Aché mothers carry their young children, rarely putting them down in order to protect them from getting hurt in the forest. Consequently, their children walk much later: They walk around 23–25 months old, in comparison to infants in Western cultures who begin to walk around 12 months old. However, as Aché children become older, they are allowed more freedom to move about, and by about age 9, their motor skills surpass those of U.S. children of the same age: Aché children are able to climb trees up to 25 feet tall and use machetes to chop their way through the forest (Kaplan & Dove, 1987). As you can see, our development is influenced by multiple contexts, so the timing of basic motor functions may vary across cultures. However, the functions themselves are present in all societies ( [link] ).

How Do Nature and Nurture Influence Development?

Are we who we are because of nature (biology and genetics), or are we who we are because of nurture (our environment and culture)? This longstanding question is known in psychology as the nature versus nurture debate. It seeks to understand how our personalities and traits are the product of our genetic makeup and biological factors, and how they are shaped by our environment, including our parents, peers, and culture. For instance, why do biological children sometimes act like their parents—is it because of genetics or because of early childhood environment and what the child has learned from the parents? What about children who are adopted—are they more like their biological families or more like their adoptive families? And how can siblings from the same family be so different?

We are all born with specific genetic traits inherited from our parents, such as eye color, height, and certain personality traits. Beyond our basic genotype, however, there is a deep interaction between our genes and our environment: Our unique experiences in our environment influence whether and how particular traits are expressed, and at the same time, our genes influence how we interact with our environment (Diamond, 2009; Lobo, 2008). This chapter will show that there is a reciprocal interaction between nature and nurture as they both shape who we become, but the debate continues as to the relative contributions of each.

The achievement gap refers to the persistent difference in grades, test scores, and graduation rates that exist among students of different ethnicities, races, and—in certain subjects—sexes (Winerman, 2011). Research suggests that these achievement gaps are strongly influenced by differences in socioeconomic factors that exist among the families of these children. While the researchers acknowledge that programs aimed at reducing such socioeconomic discrepancies would likely aid in equalizing the aptitude and performance of children from different backgrounds, they recognize that such large-scale interventions would be difficult to achieve. Therefore, it is recommended that programs aimed at fostering aptitude and achievement among disadvantaged children may be the best option for dealing with issues related to academic achievement gaps (Duncan & Magnuson, 2005).

Low-income children perform significantly more poorly than their middle- and high-income peers on a number of educational variables: They have significantly lower standardized test scores, graduation rates, and college entrance rates, and they have much higher school dropout rates. There have been attempts to correct the achievement gap through state and federal legislation, but what if the problems start before the children even enter school?

Psychologists Betty Hart and Todd Risley (2006) spent their careers looking at early language ability and progression of children in various income levels. In one longitudinal study, they found that although all the parents in the study engaged and interacted with their children, middle- and high-income parents interacted with their children differently than low-income parents. After analyzing 1,300 hours of parent-child interactions, the researchers found that middle- and high-income parents talk to their children significantly more, starting when the children are infants. By 3 years old, high-income children knew almost double the number of words known by their low-income counterparts, and they had heard an estimated total of 30 million more words than the low-income counterparts (Hart & Risley, 2003). And the gaps only become more pronounced. Before entering kindergarten, high-income children score 60% higher on achievement tests than their low-income peers (Lee & Burkam, 2002).

There are solutions to this problem. At the University of Chicago, experts are working with low-income families, visiting them at their homes, and encouraging them to speak more to their children on a daily and hourly basis. Other experts are designing preschools in which students from diverse economic backgrounds are placed in the same classroom. In this research, low-income children made significant gains in their language development, likely as a result of attending the specialized preschool (Schechter & Byeb, 2007). What other methods or interventions could be used to decrease the achievement gap? What types of activities could be implemented to help the children of your community or a neighboring community?

Lifespan development explores how we change and grow from conception to death. This field of psychology is studied by developmental psychologists. They view development as a lifelong process that can be studied scientifically across three developmental domains: physical, cognitive development, and psychosocial. There are several theories of development that focus on the following issues: whether development is continuous or discontinuous, whether development follows one course or many, and the relative influence of nature versus nurture on development.

Review Questions

The view that development is a cumulative process, gradually adding to the same type of skills is known as ________.

• continuous development
• discontinuous development

Developmental psychologists study human growth and development across three domains. Which of the following is not one of these domains?

• psychological
• psychosocial

How is lifespan development defined?

• The study of how we grow and change from conception to death.
• The study of how we grow and change in infancy and childhood.
• The study of physical, cognitive, and psychosocial growth in children.
• The study of emotions, personality, and social relationships.

Critical Thinking Questions

Describe the nature versus nurture controversy, and give an example of a trait and how it might be influenced by each?

The nature versus nurture controversy seeks to understand whether our personalities and traits are the product of our genetic makeup and biological factors, or whether they are shaped by our environment, which includes such things as our parents, peers, and culture. Today, psychologists agree that both nature and nurture interact to shape who we become, but the debate over the relative contributions of each continues. An example would be a child learning to walk: Nature influences when the physical ability occurs, but culture can influence when a child masters this skill, as in Aché culture.

Compare and contrast continuous and discontinuous development.

Continuous development sees our development as a cumulative process: Changes are gradual. On the other hand, discontinuous development sees our development as taking place in specific steps or stages: Changes are sudden.

Why should developmental milestones only be used as a general guideline for normal child development?

Children develop at different rates. For example, some children may walk and talk as early as 8 months old, while others may not do so until well after their first birthday. Each child’s unique contexts will influence when he reaches these milestones.

Personal Application Questions

How are you different today from the person you were at 6 years old? What about at 16 years old? How are you the same as the person you were at those ages?

Your 3-year-old daughter is not yet potty trained. Based on what you know about the normative approach, should you be concerned? Why or why not?

Analysis of Lifespan Development in Jamal Jones Case Study

Introduction.

The selected case scenario for this task includes Jamal Jones’s case study. The main objective of this task is to apply lifespan development theories and concepts in analyzing Jamal Jones’s case in the context of her physical and cognitive development, his attachment considerations, his psychosocial and moral development, as well as his cultural and contextual considerations. Specifically, while Jones’ physical development is characterized by Vygotsky’s theory of socio-cultural development, his attachment and psychosocial developmental considerations are grounded on Erikson’s perspective of psychosocial development, and his cognitive and cultural considerations are characterized by Piaget’s theory of cognitive development and Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory respectively.

Overview of Case Study

Jamal Jones’s case study revolves around the key character Jamal, who is a third-born son to a single-parent family structure led by an African American mother, Neka. Nonetheless, Jamal has a caregiver, Ms. Lewis, who took care of him during his toddlerhood. Jamal has two brothers and an uncle, Malik, who acts like a father figure to him. Jamal’s mother has a condition known as eclampsia that predisposes Jamal to adverse long-term effects. However, Jamal is born and grows up in an impoverished household in which the family has little to spare (Wright, 2019). Jamal exhibits a series of physical, cognitive, socio-emotional, and psychological characteristics grounded on the culture and social interactions he has been brought up in.

Lifespan Categories of Development

Physical development.

The applicable lifespan development theory for assessing Jamal’s case includes Vygotsky’s theory of socio-cultural development. The theory posits that a child’s development is grounded on their ability to socialize with surrounding environments and people to help them develop their physical skills based on their development of motor skills (Pathan et al., 2018). When observing Jamal’s case, her mother indicates that he is always on the move and that she requires a baby gate to prevent him from falling off the steps (Wright, 2019). Based on Vygotsky’s theory, children aged between one and three years often develop a sense of personal control over their physical skills. In this context, Jones’ constant movement is grounded on her ability to establish self-autonomy over doubt and shame, which puts him at risk of falls. The other important milestone includes noticing objects and reaching them. In particular, Jamal is able to reach for and grasp a handful of fries while watching his family gather around for dinner. This behavior indicates Jamal’s hand and eye coordination skills have already developed, allowing him to see, contextualize, and pick things at approximately one year of his age. The third millstone involves Jamal’s mother, who has eclampsia, which puts Jamal at a higher risk of several adverse physical outcomes like being small-for-date or preterm birth that might result in cascading negative impacts in later life.

Cognitive Development

The theory used to assess Jamal’s cognitive development includes Jean Piaget’s theory of cognitive development, which emphasizes that children’s intelligence experiences change as they develop (Barrouillet, 2015). Specifically, one of the milestones exhibited by Jamal includes his ability to mention the word dog well (Wright, 2019). This developmental milestone has been fostered by Ms. Lewis, who takes good care of him and who has a dog she loves very much. Another milestone is that Jamal is able to count on his fingers from one to three, even though he is unable to say the words. This milestone indicates that Jamal’s intellectual development is in its pre-operations stage, which Piaget describes as an age between 2 and seven years when the child still struggles with logic while taking other people’s perspectives. The third milestone includes Jamal’s engagement with family members. According to Piaget’s theory, toddlers often struggle to engage with strangers during this age. However, Jamal appears contented with his social setting as he often feels happy engaging with others (Wright, 2019).

Attachment Considerations

Jamal’s attachment behavior can be conceptualized using Erikson’s socioemotional theory. Generally, this model posits that when an individual’s biological maturation is linked with their social environment, the resulting outcome includes crises that should be addressed (Maree, 2021). In this context, one crisis or, in this case, a characteristic to consider in Jamal’s case includes his crying jag that often lasts for a minute whenever his mother leaves for work (Wright, 2019). Another consideration includes the close bond between him and his caregiver, Ms. Lewis. Even though his mother leaves for work, Jamal has, over time, developed a sense of trust with his care provider since he does not cry for more than one minute once his biological mother leaves. The third consideration includes her mother’s urge to stop working because of Jamal’s constant cries whenever she leaves. In this context, the crisis associated with Jamal’s crying jag is associated with the close bond that he has with his mother. This consideration can be characterized as a secure attachment with his mother based on the quality of the relationship between Jaman and his mother (Coker et al., 2022).

Psychosocial and Moral Development

The theory is applicable to Erikson’s theory of psychosocial development. In particular, the theory posits that social and environmental conditions play a central role in modifying an individual’s psychological behavior and personality (Maree, 2021). When observing Jamal’s case, especially during his early adulthood, one of the psychosocial considerations involves his regret of why he did not accept Sarah’s request to date initially. This regret is shown when he finally runs into her during the fall of his sophomore study period and accepts dating her, after which he kicks himself, regretting why he waited for a long duration to date her (Wright, 2019). Another psychosocial consideration includes developing a self-concept. Specifically, prior to accepting to date Sarah, Jamal never wanted to even look at girls or date them. Whenever any girl approached him, he always gave an excuse to concentrate on his studies. According to Erikson’s theory of psychosocial development, this personality is often associated with adults nurturing things that they believe would make a positive change in their lives. The final consideration includes his shallow involvement in the surrounding world, including attending practice and classes because Sarah stopped taking his calls. Specifically, according to Erikson’s model, this behavioral trait is associated with failure that leads to shallow involvement in worldly important things that the adult despairs after failing to meet his objectives.

Cultural and Contextual Considerations

Jones’ cultural and contextual considerations can be assessed using Bronfenbrenner’s EST (Ecological Systems Theory) of lifespan development. In particular, the ecological theory posits that an individual’s development is impacted by the distinct environments encountered during their growth and development, including cultural, societal, and interpersonal factors (Coker et al., 2022). Observing Jones’ case, it is essential to note that Jamal was brought up in a low-income household within an urban environment, which enabled Jones to become close to multiple neighboring families (Wright, 2019). The other important consideration includes living in impoverished conditions, which has a significant impact on the growth and development of Jamal. In particular, the phrase “mum I am hungry” is one that Jamal learned from his early developmental stages and one that he will keep on repeating in life since he was brought up in a family that had very few resources to spare. The final consideration includes the fact that Jones was brought up in a single-parent family system, which explains his difficulties getting along with other females later in life.

This paper has explored Jamal’s case scenario using Vygotsky’s theory of socio-cultural development, Erikson’s perspective of psychosocial development, Piaget’s theory of cognitive development, and Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory to define Jamal Jones’ physical development, his attachment and psychosocial developmental considerations, his cognitive development, as well as his cultural considerations respectively. Specifically, his physical considerations include his constant movement, grabbing objects at slightly more than one year of age, and her mother’s eclampsia condition. Jamal’s cognitive development is characterized by his ability to mention the word dog well, his engagement with family members, and his struggle to define logic. The attachment considerations of Jamal involve his attachment crises, including the crying jag for one minute. Jamal’s psychosocial development involves his personality or regrets he develops following the failures he encounters in his early adulthood life. This essay has also shown that the cultural environment within which an individual is brought up plays a central role in influencing the behavior and personality of that person, as exhibited by Jamal.

Barrouillet, P. (2015). Theories of cognitive development: From Piaget to today.  Developmental Review ,  38 , 1-12.

Coker, J. K., LCMHC, N., Cannon, K. B., Dixon-Saxon, S. V., & Roller, K. M. (2022).  Lifespan Development: Cultural and Contextual Applications for the Helping Professions . Springer Publishing Company.

Maree, J. G. (2021). The psychosocial development theory of Erik Erikson: a critical overview.  Early Child Development and Care ,  191 (7-8), 1107–1121.

Pathan, H., Memon, R. A., Memon, S., Khoso, A. R., & Bux, I. (2018). A critical review of Vygotsky’s socio-cultural theory in second language acquisition.  International Journal of English Linguistics ,  8 (4), 232.

Wright, S. M. (2019).  Case studies in lifespan development . SAGE Publications.

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Module 2: Developmental Theories

Comparing and evaluating lifespan theories, learning outcomes.

• Contrast the main psychological theories that apply to human development

Developmental theories provide a set of guiding principles and concepts that describe and explain human development. Some developmental theories focus on the formation of a particular quality, such as Piaget’s theory of cognitive development. Other developmental theories focus on growth that happens throughout the lifespan, such as Erikson’s theory of psychosocial development. It would be natural to wonder which of the perspectives provides the most accurate account of human development, but clearly, each perspective is based on its own premises and focuses on different aspects of development. Many lifespan developmentalists use an eclectic approach, drawing on several perspectives at the same time because the same developmental phenomenon can be looked at from a number of perspectives.

In the table below, we’ll review some of the major theories that you learned about in this module. Recall that three key issues considered in human development examine if development is continuous or discontinuous, if it is the same for everyone or distinct for individuals (one course of development or many), and if development is more influenced by nature or by nurture. The table below reviews how each of these major theories approaches each of these issues.

Table 1. Major Theories in Human Development [1]

• Berk, L. E. (1998). "Stances of Major Theories on Basic Issues in Human Development."Development through the lifespan. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. p. 26. ↵
• Comparing and Evaluating Lifespan Theories. Authored by : Lumen Learning. License : CC BY: Attribution