essay on women's position in nepal

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• Condition of Women in Nepali Society - Essay | Free Writing

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• English Grade XI

Essay | Free Writing The Position of Woman in Nepali Society

The status of women in Nepal cannot be said to be good. More than 60% of women are illiterate. The status of women is different according to regions, castes, economy, religion, and structure of the community. The women of higher castes have been more suppressed though they have got more facilities and opportunities of education and employment. The women of lower castes have got more freedom than the former ones but they have got less chance of education and employment. Most of Nepalese women do not have right to the property. They are not often involved in making policies and decisions of family as well as nation.

Nowadays some reservation and empowerment programmes are being held to encourage the women. Though they have they have equal right in the articles of constitution but in the field it has not been followed. They are however unable to participate into the public affairs due to the dominant ideology of culture being practiced. While the latter women have no autonomy even within the private sphere, but enjoy limited position in the public sphere. Their suppression stems from the concepts of hierarchy the caste system, traditional though about food, and the high value of chastity. Although the women belonging to different caste, religion, and culture have different status, one thing is certain that they are being suppressed with respect to economic, socio-cultural, political and legal status which can’t be analyzed in isolation because each is intrinsically tied to the next. But for the clarity, each category is discussed separately. Economically the status of Nepalese women is also not good. The dominant Hindu religion and culture have popularized a belief that women should be dependent on the males for income from cradle to grave. Men are considered the sole breadwinners of families; and women are viewed only as domestic and maternal. Women’s work is confined to the household. Their responsibilities are thought to include cooking, washing, maternity, collecting fuel and firewood, fetching water, engaging in agriculture, and service to males and other family members. Although their works plays vital role, it is generally left uncounted.

The workload of Nepalese women is immense. They work about 16 hours every day. Nepalese women are mainly engaged in agricultural works, carpet Industries, and wage labour activities. Furthermore, Nepalese women are compelled to resort to prostitution and to be sold as commercial sex-workers. Because of modernization, their work load has certainly increased. Thus they are now forced to perform triple roles; that of mother, of traditional wife and of community participant. Generally, Nepalese women have much less access to institutional credit, both an individual and household enterprise level irrespective of ecological regions, urban of rural increasing feminization of poverty. To remedy this situation, women should need full economic rights.

Dowry system has also decreased the status of women especially in Terai and urban areas. Women have been bargained as fancy good in a shop.

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Nepali Women in Politics: Challenges to Substantive Representation | Aakriti Ghimire

Aakriti is a writer and an aspiring lawyer, who is currently working as a journalist at The Kathmandu Post .

Politics has long been considered a space exclusive to men, even today. While a few women have managed to make it to the top, the world’s gender parity index for 2020 remains high. Nepal’s Global Gender Gap Index has a score of 0.680, and ranks 101 st in the Global Gender Gap Index, compared to the the world average index of 0.686. However, Nepal ranks 59 th for the political empowerment subindex with a political empowerment score of 0.227.

Statistics demonstrate that a significant 32.7% of the Nepali parliament consists of women, however only 14.3% of women hold ministerial positions. Does this imply that women in parliament are only granted seats to ensure representation in number, rather than in action?

To understand and explain the representation of women in politics in Nepal, I delve into theories of Pitkin, to explain descriptive and substantive representation, thereby analyzing it in the context of Nepal.

Descriptive Representation vs Substantive representation 

To understand the political roles played by women, Pitkin argues that there has to be a distinction between descriptive and substantive representation. 

When the representative resembles those being represented, then that representation is considered to be descriptive. The emphasis is placed  on whether the representative has common interests with or shares certain interests with the population being represented.

On the other hand, under substantive representation, the emphasis is on the activities of the representative –– whether the activities conducted and policies put forth by the representative are in the interests of the represented . In other words, descriptive representation emphasizes who the representatives are, and substantive representation focuses on what the representatives do.

Pitkin introduced the two concepts of representation to demonstrate that mere numerical representation of women in politics does not lead to the advancement of feminist policies; descriptive representation does not equal substantive representation. 

Post-conflict Women’s Descriptive Representation in Nepal

In November 2006, the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA) led to the official end of ten years of armed conflict by overthrowing years of the monarchy. About 30-40% of the combatants in the decade-long conflict, were women. Although women played a crucial role in the conflict, women’s representation failed to materialize in the post-conflict era – not a single woman was included in the peace negotiations and the peace accord barely acknowledged women’s concerns.

‘At all the political negotiating tables I have seen in Nepal during the peace process, not once have I seen a woman at the table.’

The CPA led to the formation of the National Monitoring Committee to develop a new Interim Constitution, where two out of 31 members were women. After constant pressures and lobbying from women in political parties and civil societies, two more women were incorporated alongside a member from Dalit [marginalized] community. In the elections held in April 2008, women held around one-third of parliamentarian positions and four ministerial positions out of a total of 24. 

Between 2008 and 2020, Nepal has seen a change in its government ten times. With the exception of Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, none of the former Prime Ministers have met the mandate of 33% women’s representation in cabinets or ministerial positions.

On May 14, 2017, local elections were conducted in Nepal, which demonstrated a historic result with 40.9% women being elected to various posts within the local government. The 2015 Constitution of Nepal enforced gender quotas for various levels of government and the Local Election Act further mandates that each local ward have a minimum of two women – including one Dalit woman. The Act also mandates that political parties must have one female candidate at least for either the mayor or deputy mayor of a municipality. It consequently led to the election of 14,332 female representatives out of 35,042 local government representatives. 

In these ways, the adoption of a ‘quota’ has played a substantial role in the descriptive representation of women. The election of 40.9% of women representatives, however, is based on sharp caste distinction, with 47.4% of Dalit women being elected solely because of the reserved seats for them. Beyond those quotas, Dalit women’s presence is almost negligible in the political arena as their presence is concentrated  in the ward levels. The position of deputy mayor, however, is occupied by 91% by women primarily from Khas-Aryan [upper-caste] backgrounds. These inequalities in political representations are a manifestation of historical and prevailing power structures and hierarchical social relations. 

A report by South Asian Partnership (SAP) International asserts ,

‘Because of the quantitative reservation and proportional participation, the number of women representations in the political structure has sequentially increased. However, corresponding qualitative improvements in women’s participation are yet to happen.’

While the Election Commission (EC) has mandated that each political party has a minimum of 33% women, Bhattarai writes that all four national parties of Nepal have about 17-20% of women’s representation. This is a clear violation of Article 283 of the Constitution. Despite this, no action has been taken against the political parties and neither have the parties made efforts to make them inclusive. 

Bodies such as the Election Commission (EC), Public Service Commission (PSC), Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA), and the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) have poor female representation. No constitutional body is headed by a woman. Women’s roles have been confined to deputy mayors, deputy chiefs and in roles with minimum political power. 

Nevertheless, Nepal has had women leaders in prominent posts in recent years, such as Sushila Karki as the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court (April-July 2016) and Onsari Gharti Magar as the Speaker of the Parliament of Nepal (2015-18). Moreover, the  current President of Nepal, Bidhya Devi Bhandari, has been serving since 2015.

However, out of 25 councils of ministers, the current KP Oli led government has only three female ministers. Ironically, the Ministry of Women, Children, and Senior Citizens have been handed over to a minority-representative male political leader.

Despite having 32.7% of women’s presence in the parliament and 40.9% female representation in local governments, it is evident that women have only been provided with their positions to fulfill the quota requirement. The quota system has aided in increasing the descriptive representation of women.

“If the government won’t have implemented this compulsory quota system, none of the women would have been sitting here as elected members. They are here to just fill numbers and fulfill the quota requirement of political parties. They are sitting idle.”

Hence, the  belief that post-conflict contexts provide opportunities for women to come to the forefront of political decision-makinglargely failed to materialize in the Nepali context.

Advancement of Women-friendly Policies in Nepal

Women’s descriptive representation isn’t sufficient in tackling gender imparity; it requires substantial representation with many feminist policies being pushed forth in the agenda.

To analyze if the descriptive representation of women in Nepal has translated to substantive representation or not, I discuss the parliamentary debates in the last 12 years on four prominent issues that affect women: 

a. Citizenship Amendment Bill – August 2018

Under the current Citizenship Act of 2006, any foreign woman who marries a Nepali man immediately qualifies for Nepali citizenship. However, a child cannot acquire citizenship by descent from their mother , thereby institutionalizing patriarchy and patrilineality. This has rendered many Nepali citizens stateless. An amended bill has been contested in the parliament for the past two years, with the parliamentarians constantly bringing the sovereignty debate, consequently curtailing the freedom of Nepali women. 

b. Domestic Violence (Offence and Punishment) Act, 2009

The Bill for this Act was proposed in 2002, and after 7 years of contesting in the Parliament, this Act was passed in 2009. This act defines domestic violence, domestic partnership, criminalizes domestic violence, and outlines the procedure of filing a complaint, compensation to be received by the victim, and the punishment for the perpetrator (2009).

c. Chhaupadi Pratha – 2005; 2017

Chhaupadi pratha is the abandonment of menstruating women and girls to menstrual huts with various restrictions on their social mobility and daily chores. In 2005, the Supreme Court outlawed Chhaupadi. Despite that, the number of deaths of women due to the continuation of the practice led to the criminalization of the practice in 2017– under the Civil and Criminal Code– wherein an individual who forces a woman to practice will be jailed for up to 3 months and can be fined up to  3,000 Nepali rupees. The first arrest was made in 2020, and yet, Chhaupadi is still practiced religiously .

d. Criminalization of Marital Rape – 2017

In 2017, the Parliament of Nepal adopted the Criminal Code Bill, which defined marital rape as a criminal offence . The crime is now punishable for up to five years in jail. 

An increase in the number of female legislators can be correlated with greater attention provided to women’s issues at the early stages in the legislative process. However, this attention fails to manifest in the adoption of legislation.

We have observed this with the reluctance to amend the citizenship bill. The Domestic Violence Bill took 7 years to translate into an Act. Similarly, the various other bills and laws had to deal with a lot of reluctance before solidifying as laws and acts. In the 12 years following the conflict, the number of female-friendly policies adopted are significantly low compared to what can be expected.

Analysis of the Gap Between Descriptive and Substantive Representation in Nepal

Women who entered politics in Nepal came from various occupational backgrounds and lacked formal education . Statistics indicate that about 65% of female parliamentarians who held office [2007-12] did not have any university degree. About 6% of women who were elected were housewives, 26% working-class women, 6% in public service, 29% in “talking professions,” 2% in a specialized profession, 28% were career politicians and 4% women were businesspersons.

Parliamentarians’ education and occupation play a major role in entry-level as well as to sustain in the system of politics. With the majority of women being formally uneducated, it creates a structural barrier for women to thrive in the political arena.

Another major problem affecting women’s substantive representation are deeply entrenched patriarchal social norms .The complex socio-cultural context in Nepal, with its caste hierarchies, deep-seated gender expectations, divisive ethnic problems, religion, and class creates further difficulties for women to sustain in the system –– because each social construct aforementioned feeds off by dominating women. Women’s identities often clash – the primary caregiver vs a political leader – with their domestic roles seemingly being heavier over their political identities.  

Women working at the Ward level do not get a salary apart from transportation reimbursement. This further deems their unpaid political work unimportant at the family level. Not only that, but it also becomes burdensome for women who have financial difficulties. Furthermore, women aren’t familiar with the paperwork to file for reimbursement or with applications to advance cash for official use. Financial difficulty also keeps women from running for higher leadership positions as they aren’t able to fund their political campaigns.

While women have explained their barriers to sustain in the system after having been allowed to enter, through the quota system, the lack of distribution of unpaid care work or household works with their spouses or family members have only increased their workload. Women are expected to fulfill both – household chores and their political commitments – which put them in a more difficult situation. 

Women face a lot of different issues depending on the location in Nepal, for instance:

• Rasuwa – allegations of witchcraft, violence against women, and child marriage 
• Surkhet – polygamy, chhaupadi, and child marriage
• Dhanusha – domestic violence, women having to put on veils
• Kaski – illiteracy

This indicates that the problems faced by women in Nepal aren’t centralized, instead contextualized. Hence, it is important to understand the context of where the problem arises to be able to explain the lack of substantive women’s political representation. 

Women representatives in Janakpur forthrightly admitted that they weren’t aware of their rights, which made it further difficult for them to fight for their rights. Women have normalized sexist behaviours and have internalized misogyny. The lack of awareness of their rights hinders their abilities to fight for them. This indicates the lack of structural foundations of the state to uplift the social and political status of women. It screams for reformation.

In the last 12 years, women’s rights have been developed and it has strengthened legally and socially. However, there is no clear distinction as to what aided this development – democracy or women’s increased descriptive representation in politics. This is a very crucial distinction to be made in further analyzing ways to increase women’s substantive representation.

A lot of structural frameworks – such as education, employment opportunities, and financial literacy – have to be developed for women’s substantive political involvement. Women have to be made aware of their rights and capabilities. The appropriate intervention would be to understand the contextualized needs of local women, their problems, and then to provide appropriate training to those women accordingly. Women have to be equipped with required training, education, and skills – financial and budget management training, leadership and women empowerment training, law, constitution and regulation training, public speaking, and communication skill development training – in order to have  action-oriented women empowerment. 

To what extent women’s political representation has been successful is still an understudied subject in Nepal. While the gap in research prevails, it is evident that there are a lot of barriers in translating one to the other. Unless these barriers are addressed and women are empowered to envision an alternate reality of an equal and equitable world, women’s substantive representation will be equivalent to castles in the air.

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Role of Women in Nepali society

Discover the role of women in nepalese society, as well as their challenges, successes, and accomplishments. find out how nepalese  women are overcoming barriers  and transforming their societies..

In the past, Nepal operated as a patriarchal society where men held positions of leadership within the family and were deemed superior to women. As a result, women had limited involvement in the social field and society as a whole. They were often restricted to their homes, tasked with bearing children and performing household chores, as it was believed that this was their primary purpose. For centuries, their contributions were confined to the household, and their bodies and minds suffered from a lack of nutrition and repression. Girls were prohibited from attending school, as it was assumed that their only role was to visit other homes and take care of household tasks, rendering education unnecessary.

Despite the historical oppression and deprivation that women in Nepal have faced, they have been able to overcome these challenges and have made significant strides in various areas. Women are increasingly proving their worth and showcasing their capabilities in fields that were once considered the sole preserve of men. They are demonstrating that they can excel in traditionally male-dominated sectors and are showing the world that they are not weak and are just as strong as men.

Nepali women have shown resilience, determination, and strength in various areas. Women are increasingly taking leadership roles in politics, business, and other fields. They are breaking barriers and shattering stereotypes, showing the world that they are just as capable as men in these areas.

Women's political participation in Nepal has grown gradually over the last few decades. In recent years, significant efforts have been made to ensure that women are represented in the world of politics. When Nepal established a quota system in 1991, it sought to expand women's participation in politics by allocating 33% of seats in the national parliament to women. It helped increase women's political visibility and impact. Women have made major strides in politics in recent years. Women occupy several high-level posts in Nepal's government, including the President and the Speaker of the House of Representatives. Women are also well represented in structures of local administration, such as municipal councils.

Here are some of the notable women who are involved in politics:

Bidya Devi Bhandari:

Onsari gharti magar:, sahana pradhan:, shanta chaudhary:, urmila aryal:.

Women are constantly striving to make an impact in the business world as well. They are launching successful startups and leading existing firms as entrepreneurs. The growth of microfinance companies, which provide small loans and financial services to women entrepreneurs, has contributed to the growing role of women in Nepali business. Government policies and initiatives have also contributed to the advancement of women's entrepreneurship and economic empowerment. In addition, the government has created the Women Entrepreneurship Development Program to provide training and support to women who want to start their own companies. Many other groups have also played an important role in encouraging women's entrepreneurship and economic empowerment.

Here are some of the women who are involved in the business:

Kunti Shahi:

Sabrina singh:, rita singh:, sushmita pandey:.

In the field of social and development work, women are at the forefront. They are making significant contributions in various fields, such as education, health, and human rights. In urban areas, many Nepali women are working to enhance access to education for women, recognizing that education is crucial in breaking the cycle of poverty and promoting gender equality. They are also focusing on improving health outcomes for their communities through initiatives like maternal and child health programs, HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment, clean water and sanitation, and other health services. Furthermore, Nepali women are playing a critical role in promoting human rights and social justice by addressing issues like gender-based violence, human trafficking, and child labor.

Some of the Nepali women who are contributing to the field of social and development work are:

Anuradha Koirala:

Pushpa basnet:, radha paudel:, rita thapa:, sharmila karki:.

Nepali women have come a long way and are making significant contributions to the development of the country. Despite significant challenges, women are showing that they can be leaders and change agents in a variety of fields. Their determination, resilience, and grit serve as an example to others and demonstrate that gender should not impede success.

• Role Of Women In Nepali Society
• Women In Nepali Society
• Women In Politics
• Women In Business
• Women In Social Work

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• Experiences
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• Autonomy Autonomy is key for women to have the right to their own body and a life free of violence. Autonomy is not something that builds up on its own. We understand autonomy as a path under construction, which is laid out by strengthening women’s movement and organization. Facing violence and the control over women’s bodies means facing the racist and patriarchal capitalist system.
• Demilitarization Demilitarization is a matter of political urgency for many peoples around the world. Challenging the military control over peoples and territories means fighting for peace, for people’s sovereignty, and for a world without violence, imperialism, colonialism, arms race, and warfare. People’s lives are not disposable, and women’s bodies are not battlefields!
• Environmental justice The struggle for environmental justice is the struggle for a world where nature, territories, and the ways of life of the peoples are respected, not destroyed. Fighting for environmental justice is about defending nature and all the people who live in it (and who are nature themselves). It’s about fighting for a sustainable model of production, free from the false solutions of the market.
• Feminist economy Feminist economy is about political thought, practice, and pledge. It points the way to transforming the social organization and the lives of women, whose care work sustains life. Feminist economy challenges the divisions and hierarchies between culture and nature, the public and private realms, and productive and reproductive labor. We depend on each other and we depend on nature. This is why we need to build and practice an economy centered around life.
• Food sovereignty Food sovereignty is a right of the peoples! The struggle for food sovereignty is about fighting for land and healthy food, for decent work, and for the end of exploitation, agribusiness, and large-scale plantations. Women take the primary responsibility for food production and preparation, and they have accumulated this knowledge over a long period of time. Fighting for food sovereignty also means fighting to have women farmers’ work acknowledged as well as to reorganize domestic, care, and food preparation work.
• Movement The movement is both what organizes us and what we organize. In movement, we build anti-capitalist, anti-racist feminism. And we create collective syntheses, change the present, and point the way to the future.
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Women Struggles and Political Participation in Nepal

By Sabitri Neupane

Sabitri Neupane from the Women Peasants’ Association, Nepal reflects on women confronting the patriarchy in South Asia

Looking back at the past to understand the situation of women overtime, we see that the societal organization pattern was different when it comes to discrimination between women and men. In Primitive Communism time, many social groups were based in a matriarchy. These societies gradually changed to a patriarchal model of organization. Nowadays, women became more and more the base of an exploitative system that was discriminatory and violent against them. Even so, women are always the ones leading the struggles for social justice. Many rights have been achieved as a result of contributions of our leading women heroes in the movements.

This article presents some reflections and data on confronting patriarchal violence, women’s work in the countryside and in the city, and women’s participation in politics, with special references to Nepalese and Asian experiences.

Patriarchal Violence in Asia

If we talk openly about violence and discrimination, women are forced to suffer it inhumanely in all areas of life – socially, culturally, sexually, physically, mentally, politically and economically – just because they are women. The struggles against violence, for property rights and equality have been the main agendas of women’s struggles around the world nowadays.

However, specifically in South Asia, while studying the forms of violence against women, other issues appear, such as feticide [when female fetuses are killed in the womb], physical violence, the dowry system, death by burning, witchcraft accusations, stoning, sexual violence, child marriage, and polygamy. And more: women suffer from acid attacks, murder after rape, brutal rape, heavy work load, verbal abuse, financial violence, not being allowed to eat, violence in the political field and other discriminations. Trafficking of women is another heinous form of violence against women in South Asian countries. The statistics shows of that more than 8 thousand women and girls are trafficked from Nepal every year.

Among all forms of discrimination, the dowry system is the main cause of violence against women in Nepal, India, and Pakistan. This system is brutal against women, both by gender and by class. A rich family can honor the groom’s favor by spending a lot of money on the daughter’s marriage and give him generous dowry. This makes marriage difficult for a woman with no resources. Poor women end up being more susceptible to rape at young age, which leads to other problems such as the inhuman process of killing after rape. Victims of rape can be killed, hanged, and not only that, the responsible for the crime often makes it look like it was a suicide.

Women’s Work

Although the industry has started to develop, the economy of these countries is dominated by agriculture. In this region, many women have adopted an agricultural profession, and their role is very important both for subsistence and commercial farming. In Asia, women participate in more than 50% of rice production. 70% of the female population in Nepal are involved in agriculture. They are 84.3% of the workforce in agriculture, while man represents only 15.7%. In addition, women farmers have acquired better skills in the arts of seed selection, protection, cultivation, harvesting, seedling transplantation, and storage of food and seeds. They have also acquired the knowledge to properly protect the environment.

Though women being the main workforce in the field, they face discrimination when engaged in agriculture. Factually, women’s participation in the agricultural sector is increasing due to out migration of rural youths and the feminization of agriculture. However, women-friendly agricultural materials and training are rarely available. Data based on the 1994 census on the country shows that women work more hours than men, they study less and are the main work force in manual work. But the challenge they face is that they have no say over income from farming, and housework done by them is not valued at par.

These problems need to be addresses by public policies, but government programs focused on peasant women are almost non-existent. The women are gradually being displaced from agriculture due to landlesness and others, they are moving to cities where they find less paid household manual work. It is hard to make ends meet for a woman due to lack of productive work, lack of expertises, as well as the unpaid care work they have to do. In our society, the work done by women is considered useless.

Also, there is no freedom in property and financial transactions without the permission of the husband. In Nepal, when the land is registered in the women’s name, they get tax exemption of 25% government fee. So increasingly, husbands get their patches of land in his wives’ names. Even at this pretext, about 19.71% of the country’s land is in the name of women. Such gender inequality has caused great harm to women’s efficiency. They are lagging behind in access to the market, including training.

Policies for women in Asia

There has been a struggle towards equality between women and men. Therefore, various conventions are being held in the international arena for women’s rights, equality between genders, property rights to women, political suffrage and to guarantee the right to political organizing. The outcomes of these conventions stipulate that states must ensure equal access to economic opportunities through political information, counseling facilities, and the right to receive direct benefits from social security programs, functional skills training, formal and informal training and employment.

In August 2009, in Dhaka, Bangladesh, a program against violence against women was organized by La Via Campesina . It included women representatives from nine countries, including South Korea , Japan, Taiwan, Philippines , Indonesia, Thailand, Bangladesh, India , and Nepal. This program discussed the violence against women in the South Asian region and made an action plan to stop it. Women has been outspoken on this issue and are working to end violence, discrimination, and inequality around the world.

In Nepal, as a result of the continuous movement against feudalism, women’s participation in politics has increased. During the implementation of the Constitution of Nepal , the National Assembly had a 33% of women’s participation. Besides that, a 34% of women in the Provincial Assembly and 40% in the local level have been ensured. The country has got a woman president, a woman speaker of the House of Representatives and a woman chief of justice. The demand of Nepali women is the representation of women at the policy-making level in an inclusive manner based on the population.

Political Participation

Taking a closer look at the presence of women in government structures and people’s representative organizations, it can be mentioned that women are represented in only a few states. Currently, only 22 out of 200 countries in the world have a female head of state or head of government. 119 countries still haven’t had any female head of state or head of government. Women make up only 21% of the world’s executive bodies, while only 14 countries have more than 50% of female ministers.

Although the participation of women in the Council of Ministers has increased slightly, a study in Nepalese scenario, has shown that the responsibilities of general ministries such as Women, Children, Youth and Disabled, Social, Environment and Natural Resources and Energy have been given to women. Ministries such as Finance, Home and Internal Security, Foreign Affairs, Defense, Industry and Trade are rarely led by women. It sends a message that women are not trusted to exercise power and manage resources, or that women are not ready.

The state of representation in the legislature is also not encouraging, but it is gradually increasing. In 1995, only 11% of women in the world were represented in legislatures. This amount reached 25% by 2020. Policy interventions such as quotas and reservations are being made to increase women’s representation in the legislature.

Women’s representation at the local level is as significant, or even more, than in the national legislature. In a study conducted in 133 countries, the representation of women in local bodies is around 37%. It is more than 40% in 18 countries, and more than 50% in only two countries. In order to increase the representation of women, some countries have made special arrangements in local committees. In India, for example, 62% of the people involved in water supply committees are women. In Nepal, there is a provision that at least 33% of participants in local consumer committees should be women. The total number of members in primary cooperative organizations is 7.3 million, in which women represent 54%. But women’s representation in such committees, assemblies and directly in civil bodies is low. For example, out of 29,886 cooperatives in Nepal, only about 4 thousand have women leading the management.

There is still a long way to go. We should not get tired of eradicating the deep-rooted differences in our society, we still have a long way to go to reach the goal. Violence against women is also based on such man-made and superstitious rituals, which should be eradicated at any cost. Women have been left behind by being deprived of opportunities and dignified conditions of living, but they are trying to move forward as much as possible by making use of what they have got.

Violence against women does not only affect women’s ability and creativity. It damages the family and the entire society. Our demands will be heard only if we study and expand the movement in collaboration with various organizations working against women’s violence. It is clear above all that the problems of women are almost the same all over the world. That is why it is not possible to run a movement or to struggle individually. We, oppressed women, need to unite nationally and internationally. We must unite our experiences to struggle together against all kinds of violence against us.

_____________________

Sabitri Neupane is a member of the Women Peasants’ Association in Nepal.

Edited by Bianca Pessoa and Helena Zelic

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Women's Rights and Gender Equality in Nepal

Article 11 Feb 2023 1941 0

Women's rights and gender equality are critical issues that are affecting women and girls around the world. In Nepal, despite progress in some areas, there is still a long way to go in terms of achieving gender equality. This article provides an in-depth overview of the current status of women's rights and gender equality in Nepal, including the legal and constitutional provisions, challenges faced, and opportunities for promoting gender equality in the country.

Overview of Women's Rights and Gender Equality in Nepal

Nepal is a country located in South Asia, with a population of approximately 29 million people. It is a constitutional republic with a multi-party democratic system of government. In recent years, Nepal has made significant progress in promoting women's rights and gender equality, but there are still many challenges to overcome.

Legal and Constitutional Provisions for Women's Rights and Gender Equality in Nepal

The Constitution of Nepal, which was adopted in 2015, recognizes the equality of all citizens and prohibits discrimination on the grounds of gender. It also includes provisions aimed at promoting gender equality, such as guaranteeing equal pay for equal work, and the right to education and healthcare.

In addition to these constitutional provisions, there are also several laws and policies in place to promote women's rights and gender equality in Nepal. For example, the Domestic Violence (Crime and Punishment) Act provides protection to women who are victims of domestic violence, and the Human Trafficking and Transportation (Control) Act criminalizes human trafficking.

The Current Status of Women's Rights and Gender Equality in Nepal

Despite these legal and constitutional provisions, the status of women's rights and gender equality in Nepal remains far from ideal. According to the World Economic Forum's 2021 Global Gender Gap Report, Nepal ranks 113th out of 156 countries in terms of gender equality. This ranking is based on factors such as economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, health and survival, and political empowerment.

One of the biggest challenges faced by women in Nepal is the persistence of patriarchal attitudes and cultural norms that restrict women's rights and opportunities. For example, women in Nepal continue to face discrimination in the workplace, with lower levels of labor force participation and unequal pay compared to men. Women also face barriers to accessing healthcare and education, and are underrepresented in political leadership positions.

Challenges Faced by Women and the Barriers to Gender Equality in Nepal

The challenges faced by women in Nepal are many and complex. Some of the key barriers to gender equality in Nepal include:

• Persistence of patriarchal attitudes and cultural norms that restrict women's rights and opportunities
• Discrimination in the workplace, including lower levels of labor force participation and unequal pay compared to men
• Barriers to accessing healthcare and education
• Underrepresentation of women in political leadership positions
• Violence against women, including domestic violence, sexual harassment, and human trafficking

Role of Government, NGOs, and Other Organizations in Promoting Women's Rights and Gender Equality in Nepal

The government of Nepal has made significant efforts to promote women's rights and gender equality in the country. The Nepalese Constitution provides for equal rights and opportunities for men and women and explicitly prohibits discrimination on the basis of gender. The government has also enacted several laws and policies to address gender-based violence, protect the rights of women, and promote their empowerment. For instance, the Domestic Violence (Crime and Punishment) Act, 2007, provides for legal protection and support for victims of domestic violence.

However, the implementation of these laws and policies remains a challenge in Nepal. Despite the legal provisions, women in Nepal continue to face discrimination, violence, and unequal treatment in many areas of their lives. This highlights the need for effective implementation and enforcement of these laws and policies.

In addition to the government, NGOs and other organizations are also playing a crucial role in promoting women's rights and gender equality in Nepal. These organizations are working on various fronts, such as promoting women's education and economic empowerment, providing legal aid and support to women in need, and advocating for gender-sensitive policies and programs.

For example, the Nepal Youth Foundation is working to provide education and skills training to girls and young women in remote and marginalized communities in Nepal. This helps to empower women and girls and to break the cycle of poverty and discrimination. Similarly, the Center for Women and Children Studies is working to provide legal aid and support to women who are victims of violence and discrimination and to promote gender-sensitive policies and programs in Nepal.

Overall, the role of government, NGOs, and other organizations is crucial in promoting women's rights and gender equality in Nepal. These actors need to work together to ensure effective implementation of laws and policies and to create an enabling environment that supports women's rights and equality.

The Impact of Cultural, Social, and Economic Factors on Women's Rights and Gender Equality in Nepal

The cultural, social, and economic factors in Nepal play a significant role in shaping the status of women's rights and gender equality in the country. The patriarchal culture in Nepal reinforces traditional gender roles and perpetuates discrimination against women. For instance, many Nepalese families still prefer to have male children and discourage the education of girls. This attitude is deeply ingrained in the cultural beliefs and practices, and it is difficult to change.

In addition, the socio-economic status of women in Nepal is generally lower than that of men. The majority of women in Nepal are engaged in low-skilled and low-wage work, such as agriculture and domestic work. Women also face significant economic barriers, including limited access to credit, land ownership, and business opportunities. This limits their ability to improve their socio-economic status and participate fully in the economic growth of the country.

Furthermore, the social norms in Nepal also discriminate against women. For example, women are often expected to defer to men in decision-making and are not encouraged to pursue careers or participate in the public sphere. This reinforces the patriarchal power structures and perpetuates gender inequalities.

Overall, cultural, social, and economic factors in Nepal play a crucial role in shaping the status of women's rights and gender equality. To promote gender equality in Nepal, it is essential to address these underlying cultural, social, and economic barriers and to create an enabling environment that supports women's rights and equality.

Best Practices and Success Stories in Promoting Women's Rights and Gender Equality in Nepal

There are several best practices and success stories in promoting women's rights and gender equality in Nepal. These initiatives and programs serve as models and inspirations for other countries and organizations working to promote gender equality.

For instance, the "Empowering Adolescent Girls through Education" program, implemented by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), has been successful in providing education and life skills to young girls, thereby increasing their self-esteem, confidence, and empowerment. The program has helped to break down social barriers that prevent girls from accessing education and has provided them with opportunities to pursue their dreams and achieve their full potential.

Another example of a successful initiative is the "Women in Leadership" program, which was implemented by the non-profit organization, Plan International. This program aimed to empower women and girls in rural areas by providing them with leadership training, mentorship, and opportunities to participate in community decision-making processes. Through this program, women have gained the confidence and skills to become leaders in their communities, thereby challenging traditional gender roles and promoting gender equality.

Examples like these demonstrate that, with the right support and resources, it is possible to promote women's rights and gender equality in Nepal. By creating opportunities for women and girls to participate in education, employment, and leadership, it is possible to challenge traditional gender roles, break down social barriers, and empower women and girls to achieve their full potential.

In conclusion, women's rights and gender equality in Nepal still face significant challenges, including cultural, social, and economic barriers. However, there are also many successful initiatives and programs in place that are working to promote gender equality and empower women and girls. It is crucial that these efforts are continued and scaled up, with the support of the government, NGOs, and other organizations, to ensure that the rights and dignity of women and girls are respected and protected.

The future prospects for women's rights and gender equality in Nepal are positive, as more and more women and girls are speaking out, advocating for their rights, and challenging traditional gender roles. With continued efforts and support, it is possible to create a more equal and just society, where women and girls are valued and respected for their contributions and have equal opportunities to reach their full potential.

Women's rights and gender equality are fundamental human rights that are essential for creating a just and equal society. In Nepal, there are still many challenges that need to be addressed, but there is also hope and progress being made. By continuing to promote women's rights and gender equality, it is possible to create a brighter future for all women and girls in Nepal.

Recommendations

Based on the current situation of women's rights and gender equality in Nepal, the following recommendations are proposed to improve the situation and promote gender equality in the country:

• Increase government funding and resources for programs and initiatives aimed at promoting women's rights and gender equality. This will ensure that these efforts are sustained and can be scaled up to reach more women and girls.
• Provide comprehensive education and training to women and girls, especially in rural areas, to increase their literacy rates and empower them to participate in the workforce and decision-making processes.
• Encourage the media to promote positive images and messages about women and girls and to challenge traditional gender roles and stereotypes.
• Strengthen the role of NGOs and other organizations in promoting women's rights and gender equality by providing them with financial and technical support.
• Promote the involvement of men and boys in promoting gender equality by raising awareness about the importance of gender equality and engaging them in initiatives and programs aimed at promoting women's rights.

By implementing these recommendations, it is possible to create a more equal and just society for women and girls in Nepal and to ensure that their rights and dignity are respected and protected.

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The long road to gender equality in Nepal

Richa bhattarai.

External Affairs Associate

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Flash Sale: Martin Chautari Publications

नेपालमा विद्यालय शिक्षाको इतिहास : अनुसन्धान कार्यशाला, selected abstracts and panels for the chautari annual conference - 2024.

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Women in Nepali Politics: Looking through Feminist Perspective - SINHAS Volume 25 No. 2

Binda Pandey. 2019. Women in Nepali Politics: Looking through Feminist Perspective. New Delhi: Adarsha Books.

Nepal has made incredible progress in increasing political participation of women since the first election of the Constituent Assembly in April 2008. That election brought 33.2 percent women to the forefront of Nepali politics. Despite these visible changes in Nepali politics, there has been less introspection on women’s position within political parties. In this context, Women in Nepali Politics by Binda Pandey fills the gap. The review will explore Pandey’s approach to executing this challenging mission.

This book is an adaptation of the author’s PhD research at the School of Education, Kathmandu University. The book is 288 pages long and is divided into nine chapters. The book pioneers in looking at gender policies and their implementation by one of the leading political parties in Nepal. The research is informed by three interrelated questions: 1) How are gender issues reflected within policies; 2) To what extent have these policies been implemented; and 3) What are the causes and effects behind non-implementation? Though the research is based on the policy and practice of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist, CPN-UML), the findings offer general insights on Nepali women’s political engagement. Pandey’s research objective is informed by her personal standpoint and claim that CPN-UML is one of the most progressive political parties, which has prioritised issues of gender equality within its party mechanism.

In the introduction Pandey discusses what motivated her to pursue her research on Nepali women in politics. The chapter also provides a brief overview of the institutional efforts that CPN-UML has made to institutionalize gender equality within the party. In the second chapter, “Connecting with the History,” the author reviews the history of the global feminist movement and presents the structure of her research in the form of a mind map. In the following two chapters, the author discusses the history of Nepali women’s political engagement in struggles for democracy within Nepal. The fifth chapter explores the history of CPN-UML, women’s role within the party and the process of developing the Institutional Gender Agenda in 2005. Pandey claims the latter to be a pioneering effort among political parties in Nepal. The findings of her research are presented in chapters seven and eight. The remaining two chapters consolidate the findings, discuss implications and offer recommendations. The remainder of this review discusses some unique insights offered by the book followed by a critique.

Reflecting on her own experience, Pandey discusses how her engagement in student politics beginning from the 1980s, was inspired by the slogan of “no discrimination between men and women” (p. 3). The author finds herself disillusioned and confused and admits to being “very much confused and puzzled seeing the gap between the spirit of the slogan and the practice” (p. 3). This puzzlement is evident when she reminisces how the euphoria of the success of the people’s movement in 2006 turned into disappointment for women leaders, when mutually agreed issues on gender equality by the Seven-Party Alliance were ignored in the declaration made in the parliament on May 18, 2006. Pandey discusses how she requested then parliamentarian and current President Bidya Devi Bhandari to table the motion on these issues as a form of public concern. Establishing her motivations, she discusses the importance of exploring women’s position within political parties, which she argues as an important institution that plays a vital role in changing social norms, attitude and practices.

The book without doubt is an important contribution to knowledge in number of ways. First, it is among the few books written by a Nepali woman politician exploring women’s position within Nepali politics. Second, the book offers important insights about the women’s movement in Nepal in relation to what Pandey calls its “four founding pillars” (p. 95), namely 1) “torture and fear of losing family members,” 2) “middle class educated women’s activism,” 3) “representing people in state mechanisms,” and 4) “community-based and civil society movement organizations.” Her identification of these pillars recognizes both the historical and intersectional nature of the women’s movement in Nepal. However, Pandey fails to recognize how these pillars and phases are themselves exclusionary and do not include the voices and concerns of women at the margin such as Dalit women, women with disability, and indigenous women.

A significant portion of the book is spent exploring the history of women’s engagement within the CPN-UML as reflected in her research objective. Pandey explores the history of the All Nepal Women’s Association (ANWA) and discusses how it became a separate and coherent space for women politicians in Nepal. She concludes that, despite women political leaders’ active participation in the movement and contribution to building the party, women were sidelined when it came to positions of decision making and political influence.

She also examines the decisions taken by the CPN-UML to address gender inequality. Reviewing the policy presented, which ranges from the policies of affirmative action within the party to equality within home, indeed the CPN-UML appears to be a very progressive political party on paper. However, Pandey argues that the CPN-UML has lacked collective commitment in practice to implement its policies.

One example of how this lack manifests can be understood through her findings on the discourse of “qualified women politicians.” Nearly all positions of power within political parties are held by men. When questioned about the invisibility of women politicians, readymade answers given by men in power are consistent: lack of “qualified and experienced” women politicians. Pandey presents an interesting finding which shows contradictory perceptions among male and female politicians. Women politicians strongly believed that there were enough qualified and experienced women leaders, whereas male politicians felt that the reason women did not get leadership roles was because there were not enough women politicians with required experiences and qualifications. Pandey also presents an insight from women politicians who felt that the reason behind women’s lack of access to positions of power was due to the lack of willpower and commitment on the part of the senior male leaders. Despite putting forward these important discussions, Pandey does not however consider how these discourses surrounding “qualification” and “experience” are masculine constructs, defined and demarcated by male politicians, and how often these definitions do not apply to men. It is strongly evident from Pandey’s discussion that male politicians continue to be in position of benevolent “giver,” while women politicians are in the role of grateful “receivers.”

Often women politicians are doubted about their ability to continue their political engagements combining their family and social responsibilities. These roles are used to blame women for not being active in politics. Pandey has interesting findings to debunk this perception. Comparing the male and female absenteeism in the party meetings, she presents a figure which shows that more than half (54%) of men are absent comparing to 46 percent women. Despite these strengths of the book, there are some glaring flaws and shortcomings.

The first noticeable thing that a reader feels is that the book is not organized in a coherent manner. In places, the author repeats herself and sometimes readers discover important information buried in the text. For instance, instead of clearly identifying her theoretical framework in the introduction, the reader abruptly discovers it in the second chapter where the author is presenting an overview of the global feminist movement. Similarly, the methodology is not clearly elaborated. Unfortunately, the book contains many typos and grammatical errors.

Generally, academic books developed from a PhD thesis have a chapter allocated for research methodology. Despite these established norms, some researchers such as Saubhagya Shah (2018) present theory and method in a more dialogical manner: sharing both literature review and research methodology iteratively in relation to the subject matter being discussed. Pandey has not chosen either approach. A separate chapter would have ensured that information about her research methodology was on offer to her readers. The second chapter discuses vaguely about the importance of feminist inquiry and how feminist standpoint epistemology is relevant to her study. However, she does not relate these theoretical insights to her research or elaborate how it has shaped her research process and findings. Her first mention of research methodology, qualitative methods with feminist inquiry, is offered in relation to the visual presentation of “mind mapping of the study.” Readers are left to figure out for themselves not only the number of interviews and group discussions that the author conducted but also the process and the journey of the researcher while doing this. These are serious concerns as the very tenets of feminist inquiry/methodology lie on the researcher’s ability to reflect on the research process and the asymmetrical power relations between the researcher and those researched (Cook and Fonow 1986). Pandey’s claim of using “personal reflexivity in interpreting the findings” in the preface of the book falls flat when the reader does not find those reflections critically weaved throughout her analysis. Pandey does discuss her identity of being a feminist and politician very briefly in “motivating factors” in the first chapter, and the blurb of the book introduces her as a “Nepali activist, involved in left student politics.” People who have followed her activism and scholarly work recognize her as one of the most vocal and articulate women leaders, who has taken the initiative to table important bills and policies concerning Nepali women in the parliament.

In addition to this, Pandey ignores the rich South Asian literature on women’s engagement in politics in her review. She fails to contextualize how women leaders navigate their position banking on moral capital, embodying the images of the mother and the widow in political arena dominated by the dynastic succession of men (Spary 2007). It is surprising that Pandey does not recognize the crucial feminist perspective on politics as a manifestation of patriarchy (Cockburn 1991). Without recognition of Nepali political institutions as inherently gendered, wherein masculine ideals are reflected within institutional structures, practices and norms, a deeper understanding of women politician’s struggle cannot be articulated (Tamang 2018).

Despite these gaps, it cannot be denied the book brings an insider’s perspective to the challenges of institutionalizing gender equality within political organizations in Nepal. The study identifies gaps in the current policies and makes recommendations for incorporating care work, diversity among women and political education into Nepal’s education system. Pandey concludes the book with a postscript giving a sense of hope. She acknowledges Nepali women have come forward on a long journey to become active political leaders. She urges now the need is to be more strategic and tactical, and to work as role models and agents of change.

Cook, Judith A. and Mary Margaret Fonow. 1986. Knowledge and Women’s Interests: Issues of Epistemology and Methodology in Feminist Sociological Research.  Sociological Inquiry 56(1): 2–29.

Cockburn, Cynthia. 1991.  In the Way of Women: Men’s Resistance to Sex Equality in Organizations . Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Shah, Saubhagya. 2018. A Project of Memoreality: Transnational Development and Local Activism . Kathmandu: Himal Books.

Spary, Carole. 2007. Female Political Leadership in India.  Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 45(3): 253–277.

Tamang, Seira. 2018. “They’ve Given Us the Chair, But Bound Our Hands and Feet”: Embedding Elected Female Representatives in Institutions in Nepal. Studies in Nepali History and Society 23(3): 309 – 352.

Neeti Aryal Khanal

Tribhuvan University

About the Author

कृष्णप्रसाद कोइराला : एक प्रगतिशील शैक्षिक अभियन्ता

Governance gaps in health and agriculture

डिजिटल स्पेस, प्रभाव र नियमन

सहकार्य खोजिरहेको आदिवासी आन्दोलन

Chautari Quarterly Newsletter. No. 5. April-June 2024

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Revisiting the ‘Rashtrabhasha Shiksha Pranali’

Researching Early Twentieth-century Lives

• Open access
• Published: 01 November 2022

A qualitative study on gender inequality and gender-based violence in Nepal

• Pranab Dahal 1 ,
• Sunil Kumar Joshi 2 &
• Katarina Swahnberg 1  

BMC Public Health volume  22 , Article number:  2005 ( 2022 ) Cite this article

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Gender inequality and violence are not mutually exclusive phenomena but complex loops affecting each other. Women in Nepal face several inequalities and violence. The causes are diverse, but most of these results are due to socially assigned lower positioning of women. The hierarchies based on power make women face subordination and violence in Nepal. The study aims to explore participants' understanding and experience to identify the status of inequality for women and how violence emerges as one of its consequences. Furthermore, it explores the causes of sex trafficking as an example of an outcome of inequality and violence.

The study formulated separate male and female groups using a purposive sampling method. The study used a multistage focus group discussion, where the same groups met at different intervals. Six focus group discussions, three times each with male and female groups, were conducted in a year. Thirty-six individuals, including sixteen males and twenty females, were involved in the discussions. The study used constructivist grounded theory for the data analysis.

The study participants identify that a power play between men and women reinforce inequality and increases the likelihood of violence for women. The findings suggest that the subjugation of women occurs due to practices based on gender differences, constricted life opportunities, and internalization of constructed differences among women. The study identifies that interpersonal and socio-cultural violence can result due to established differences between men and women. Sex trafficking, as an example of the outcome of inequality and violence, occurs due to the disadvantageous position of women compounded by poverty and illiteracy. The study has developed a concept of power-play which is identified as a cause and consequence of women's subordination and violence. This power play is found operative at various levels with social approval for men to use violence and maintain/produce inequality.

The theoretical concept of power play shows that there are inequitable power relations between men and women. The male-centric socio-cultural norms and practices have endowed men with privilege, power, and an opportunity to exploit women. This lowers the status of women and the power-play help to produce and sustain inequality. The power-play exposes women to violence and manifests itself as one of the worst expressions used by men.

Peer Review reports

Violence against women is identified as an attempt by men to maintain power and control over women [ 1 ] and is manifested as a form of structural inequality. This structural inequality is apparent with greater agency among men [ 2 ]. The differences between sexes are exhibited in the attainment of education and professional jobs, ownership of assets, the feminization of poverty, etc., and these differences increase the risk of violence towards women [ 3 ]. The global estimate identifies that thirty percent of women experience physical and/or sexual violence during their lifetime, illustrating the enormity of this problem [ 4 ]. From a feminist perspective, lending ideas of patriarchy [ 5 ] and gender performativity [ 6 ], the understanding of gender roles prescribed by male-dominated social structures and processes helps further explore the violence and abuse faced by women [ 7 ]. According to Heise [ 8 ], men who adhere to traditional, rigid, and misogynistic views on gender norms, attitudes, and behaviors are more likely to use violence towards women. The individual and collective attitudes of men toward different established gender norms, and their reproduction explain men’s use of violence toward women [ 9 ]. It is known that gender norms influence violence, but at the same time violence also directs and dictates gender performance with fear, sanction, and corrective measures for enacting respective prescribed gender functions [ 10 ].

It is difficult for women subjected to violence to enjoy legitimate rights, as most of the infringement of their rights and violence takes place inside a private sphere of the home [ 11 , 12 ]. Violence against women is the major cause of death and disability for women [ 13 ] and globally a major public health concern [ 14 ]. Establishing gender equality is fundamental for fostering justice and attaining sustainable development [ 15 ]; moreover, violence against women has to be acknowledged as a fundamental abuse of human rights [ 16 ]. A report on global violence has identified that violence against women exists at all levels of the family, community, and state. The report recommended the development of frameworks for respecting, protecting, and fulfilling women’s rights [ 17 ]. Fifteen years later, a review of the same identifies that violence continues with impunity, reaffirming violence as a major obstacle to the attainment of justice [ 18 ].

The inclusion of the gender lens to violence against women has provided more contextual evidence to explore these processes of violence. This requires the identification of unequal power relationships and an inquiry into the differences-producing various gender stereotypes [ 19 ]. This analysis of violence requires an understanding of behaviors that promote women’s subordination and factors that favor men to sustain these malpractices [ 8 ]. A closer look at the male-centric structural arrangements embedded in the social, political, and economic organization of life reveals that these structures provide lesser access and lower accountability toward women, promote systemic subordination, and create hierarchies, resulting in the increase of violence against women [ 20 ]. This unequal gender power relationship reinforced and manifested by social approval of men’s authority over women is found operative at multiple levels and helps to produce diversities of inequalities and violence [ 21 , 22 ].

The inequalities faced by women in Nepal majorly stem from socio-cultural, economic, and religious factors and influencers that define traditional roles and responsibilities between men and women [ 23 ]. The inequalities are more evident and pronounced in settings exhibiting prominent patriarchal norms restricting advantages and opportunities for the majority of women [ 24 ]. Women in Nepal are restricted inside their homes, have lesser access to life opportunities, and have limited or no involvement in decision-making on important issues directly affecting their lives [ 25 , 26 ]. Figures indicative of women’s inequalities in Nepal suggest that one-third of women have no education, fifty-two percent of women are involved in non-paid jobs, and women are less likely than men to own a home or land [ 27 ]. The men in Nepalese society are positioned higher and are expected to be the breadwinner and protectors of their families. Most of these men intend to earn respect and obedience from women and are socially expected to discipline women to achieve it [ 28 ]. Many societies across the world including Nepal, recognizes violence as a private affair requiring discussion only within a family. This has led to a serious underreporting of violence committed toward women in Nepal [ 29 ]. The national gender data in Nepal is scarce, the available Nepal Demographic Health Survey 2016 identifies that since the age of fifteen, twenty-two percent of women and seven percent of women experience physical and sexual violence, respectively in the past twelve months [ 27 ].

The contributing factors for violence against women in Nepal include the lower social status of women, illiteracy, economic dependency, patriarchal society, sex trafficking, alcohol-related abuse, dowry-related violence, infidelity, extramarital affairs of husband, unemployment, and denial of sex with husband [ 30 , 31 , 32 ]. Nepalese women have been repressing violence with silence due to the fear of breaking relationships, receiving less love and affection from family, fear of social norms by going against men, lack of faith in the justice system, and the threat of increased violence [ 33 ]. Women and girls in Nepal are sex trafficked to various countries. Sex trafficking in Nepal is prevalent due to persistent gender inequality, violence, stigma, and discriminatory socio-cultural structures; however, the actual extent of sex trafficking is still undetermined [ 17 , 34 , 35 ].

The recent trends in Nepal with the increasing number of out-migration of men for employment have provided women with temporary autonomy, and a shift in the gender roles. Earlier research has identified that migration of male spouses has provided a resistance to the power dynamics for women on the other hand it has limited their mobility, required them to share decision-making with household structures, face continued social vigilance on the money received from remittance, and get central attention with their personal sexual lives [ 36 , 37 ].

Morang district lies in the eastern region of Nepal. A district profile report based on a census survey [ 38 ] identifies that the place is inhabited by a close to a million population, out of which ethnic groups ( close to forty percent) live in the district with a majority (seventy-eight percent) of its population living in the rural areas. Tharu an ethnic group is one of the dominant population in the study area and all study participants for this study were from same Tharu population. A close to thirty-six percent of women in the district are illiterate and the average age of marriage is eighteen years. The report identifies that only twenty-three percent of women engage in economic activities apart from agricultural work and less than fourteen percent of women head the household. Almost eighty percent of the population in the district practice Hinduism.

This study is a part of a large intervention project and it was focused to establish a qualitative baseline of the gender status in the study area. This study aimed to explore participants’ experiences and understanding of gender inequality, violence against women, and information on sex trafficking in the Morang district of eastern Nepal. The selection of sex trafficking topic was motivated to assess the respondents’ general understanding of one of the consequences of inequality and violence faced by women. The study focused to explore factors that help to produce and sustain the practice of gender inequality and violence against women in the local community.

Participants

This study was part of a larger control-comparison project that used Forum Theatre interventions to promote gender equality, reduce violence against women, and increase awareness of sex trafficking [ 39 , 40 ]. The participants for the focus group discussion included the intervention population from one of the randomly sampled intervention sites. A multistage focus group discussion [ 41 ] was used involving the same participants discussing various emerging topics at different periods. The participants were recruited voluntarily during an earlier quantitative data collection for the project. The study used a purposive sampling method for the selection of participants. The local field staff at the study site facilitated the recruitment of the participants. The study formulated separate male and female groups. A total of six focus groups, three each with male and female groups were conducted over twelve months. Two inclusion criteria were set for participation. First, the participants had to be part of the population of the larger study. Secondly, they had to witness and/or participate in the Forum Theatre interventions conducted in between the study. The set inclusion criteria served a dual purpose of understanding the causes of inequality and violence and further helped to develop and determine the efficacy of participatory Forum Theater intervention for awareness-raising among the study intervention groups [ 39 ].

A total of thirty-six participants consisting of sixteen males and twenty females joined the discussions. The first discussion consisted of eight participants each from groups while the second and the third discussion missed two female and four male participants respectively. The majority of the participants were 20–29 years old. Tharu, an ethnic community of Nepal, is a dominant population in the study area, and all the participants belonged to the same Tharu community. Only one female participant was unmarried, and a single married male participated in the discussions. All participants were literate, with four males completing a bachelor's level of education. Seven female participants had education below the high school level. The nuclear family with parents and their children was the major family type identified in both male and female groups. Table 1 provides the detail of the participants.

The focus group discussions were conducted in January 2017, April–May 2017, and January 2018. The discussions were conducted in a place recommended by the participants. An isolated place in an open setting at the premise of a local temple was used for conducting all discussions. The participants were briefed about the objectives of the discussion and written consent was obtained for their participation. Verbal consent was taken for the audio recording of the discussions. Each participant was assigned a unique numerical code before the discussions to ensure anonymity during recording, note-taking, and analysis. The discussions averaged ninety minutes during each session. The discussions were conducted with the same participants and no new participants were added during the follow-ups. A single male and female participant were missing in the second follow up and two male participants missed the final follow-up. The reason for missing participants was due to their unavailability as they were out of the village due to personal reasons.

The discussions were conducted in the Nepali language. The first author moderated all six discussions, a support field staff member took the notes, and the last author observed the discussions. The audio recordings were translated into English, and the transcriptions were checked with the recordings to verify accuracy. The field and the discussion notes were used during various stages of data analysis. The notes provided information on the discussion setting, as well as the verbal and nonverbal expressions of the participants. The notes helped to assess the impressions, emphasis, and feelings of the participants during the discussions.

The discussions used pre-formulated discussion guides with open-ended questions on inequalities, gender practices, violence, and sex trafficking. The guiding questions were based on the theoretical premise of discrimination, patriarchy, oppression, hegemony, and participation of women. Three separate discussion guides were developed for each of discussions. The guides were developed by the first and last authors. Probing was done on several occasions during the discussion to gain more clarity on the issue. Cross-checking among the participants and between the groups was done to triangulate received information. Any topic deemed appropriate for discussions and/or any unclear issues identified during the initial data analysis came up subsequently in the discussion guide during the follow-ups.

Data analysis

This study used the constructivist grounded theory method. This method adheres to a constructivist philosophical approach wherein both researchers and participants mutually co-construct the meaning of a phenomenon [ 42 ]. This interaction is important since it helps to impart the meaning of shared experiences [ 42 ]. The constructivist grounded theory made it possible to (re) discover gender issues, important for both the researcher and the study participants. This method allowed the study to progress with responsiveness to emerging issues with an in-depth exploration of the identified issues. This clarity was achieved through repeated interactive discussions, analysis of explanations, and sharing of emergent findings with the study participants.

The audio recordings were translated and transcribed into English. Six transcripts from discussions were initially analyzed using a line-by-line coding process. The coding process helped with the fragmentation of data through interactive comparisons. Fifty-two initial codes such as gender differences, restricting women, alcohol-related violence, underreporting of sexual violence, coping, etc. were identified. The later stage of focused coding helped to achieve categorized data, providing logical sense to the developed initial codes. Three focused codes, namely, the subjugation of women, violence, and chasing dreams were formulated during the analysis. The abductive reasoning from the codes, memos, and discussion notes helped to develop the theoretical concept. The development of conceptual abstraction involved an iterative comparison of the data, codes, categories, memos, and discussion notes.

The constant communication between the authors during the stages of data analysis such as the formulation of codes, explanations of concepts, and categories helped to refine the analysis. The shared experiences of the participants and the description of the data collection and analysis included substantial details, enabling comparisons for future research and application to other similar contexts. The reliability of the study is warranted by the theoretical saturation [ 42 ] achieved by this study. This is supported by prolonged engagement with the study participants with communication on the emerging findings, and triangulation.

Reflexivity has a greater significance for the constructivist approach. The first and the second author of Nepalese origin were aware of the socio-cultural norms, stereotypes, values, and stigmas associated with gender in the local context. This helped the study to ascertain the depth of inquiry within the acceptable local normative limits. The non-Nepalese author, familiar with the study participants and Nepalese contexts, witnessed the discussions as an observer. The prior knowledge of the authors helped to critically assess different schemas, perspectives, and explanations shared by the participants. The universality of gender inequality and violence against women and its re-examination in the local context helped the authors to build upon existing knowledge by providing contextual explanations. The diversities among the authors and research participants established a basis for co-creating the perceived and observed realities.

The section below describes the participants’ perceptions and understanding of inequality and violence. The section contains subheadings that were derived as themes in the data analysis. The first theme subjugation of women; discusses how norms, beliefs, and practices produce inferior status and positions for women. The second theme domestic and gender violence; provides a narrative of interpersonal and socio-cultural violence present in the study area. The theme of chasing dreams; discusses the process of sex trafficking as an outcome of violence. The theoretically abstracted concept of power-play identifies the cause for the generation of power imbalance producing inequality and the use of violence by men.

Subjugation of women

The subjugation of women reflected practices and beliefs imparting positional differences for women and their social situation compared to men. The participants shared a common understanding that belief systems adhering to male supremacy have positioned women in a lower status. They provided examples of social practices of male supremacy such as males being considered as the carrier of a family name, legacy, and heritage, while women were referred to as someone else’s property. The socialization of the idea that girls will be married off to a husband and relocate themselves to their homes was identified as the major reason for instilling and perpetuating early gender differences. The participants mentioned that discriminatory practices and seclusion have situated women at the bottom rung of the gender hierarchy, establishing them as socially incompetent individuals or groups. Moreover, they inferred that selective preferences provided preparatory grounds for inequalities, and they remain attached to women throughout their lives. The participants provided examples of unequal access to education and life opportunities as a practice of selective preferences occurring in the community. They mentioned that socialization with these discriminatory beliefs and their practice helped to develop specialized gender roles from an early age. The participants provided an example of how gender intersected with mobility and resource generation in the community, it was clear from the discussions that this has restricted women inside homes but provided freedom and opportunities for men. A female participant expressed,

A woman from a poor family is more than willing to work and support her family. But she is not allowed by the men in the family to work outside of the home.

The participants informed that differences between the sexes were visible for women from a young age. Sharing practical examples from the community, the participants from both groups stated that girls received education mostly in low-cost government and community schools, while boys were enrolled in expensive private schools. They raised concerns that this selective investment for education, cited as the ‘building block of life’ by the participants, installed lesser capacity, and negotiating abilities in girls. A female participant stated,

There are differences in educational opportunities for boys and girls in our community. Family provides more support for a boy’s education by enrolling him in private schools, while a girl mostly gets her education in a community school together with engagement in household work.

The discussions revealed that women required several male anchors for their survival during their various stages of life. The participants provided examples of the shift of anchors for women which traversed from a father to a husband during marriage and later to the male child during her old age. They believed that this tradition of transferring women’s identity established men as a higher social category and stripped women of their individuality and identity. A male participant added,

Women have to remain dependent on men throughout their lives, first with their fathers and later with their husbands. They remain completely dependent as they are not economically active. This makes men believe that they have higher authority.

The female participants provided an example of marriage to illustrate how someone else’s decision-making had been affecting women’s lives. A participant explained that women were held responsible for household activities after marriage and any support for career progression or education was restricted despite her desire for its continuation. It was inferred that women had to drop their hopes and aspirations as the husband and his family made decisions for them. The female participants agreed that this continuous exposure to the ideas of male supremacy makes them start to believe and internalize the idea that women have lesser cognitive abilities and intelligence compared to men. A female participant stated,

Men and women certainly have different mental abilities. Men think and act differently often in a smart way compared to women.

The participants from both groups expressed that youth in the community were developing flexible attitudes and beliefs towards gender roles and responsibilities. They agreed that both young men and women were observed altering their roles and responsibilities shifting from traditional gender ideologies. The participants expressed that instilling these fluidity and flexible approaches in the older generation was impossible as they strictly followed traditional beliefs and practices. Few of the female participants admitted that at times young women also fail to accommodate the situation and reap benefits from available opportunities. The discussions revealed that a few of the women in the community received opportunities for independence and economic empowerment. These women had received entrepreneurial training and various skill development activities for sustaining livelihoods with practical skill-based training in tailoring, beautician, and doll-making. The female participants expressed that opportunities for independence and growth slipped away from them due to a lack of family support, financial constraints, and self-passivity. They explained that starting a business required approval from a family which was difficult to obtain. Moreover, if women made a self-decision to start up on their own, they lacked the initial capital and had to rely on men for obtaining resources. The participants further explained that the denial of men to support women were majorly due to the fear that norms of staying indoors for women will be breached and economic independence may enable women to have a similar financial footing as men. The participants stated that self-passivity in women emerged due to their engagement in household multiple roles, dependency upon males, and lack of decision-making power and abilities. A female participant summed it up by stating,

Some of us women in the community have received entrepreneurial skills training, but we have not been able to use our skills for our growth and development. Once the training finishes, we get back to our household chores and taking care of the children.

The female participants admitted that acceptance of belief systems requiring women to be docile, unseen, and unheard were the reasons for this self-passivity. The female participants resonated that the external controlling and unfavorable environment influenced by practices of discriminatory norms and beliefs developed self-passivity for women. A female participant expressed the cause and consequence of self-passivity as,

Women have inhibitions to speaking their minds; something stops us from making our position clear, making us lose all the time.

The discussions identified that gender norms were deeply engraved in various social interactions and daily life, and any deviance received strict criticism. The participants shared common examples of sanctions for women based on rigid norms like restrictive movements for women, social gossiping when women communicated with outsider men, prohibition for opinion giving in public, and lesser involvement during key decision-making at home. The participants shared that norms dictating gender roles were in place for both men and women with social sanctions and approval for their performance. A male discussion participant who occasionally got involved with cooking which was a so-called “women’s job” faced outright disapproval from his female relatives and neighbors. The male participant stated,

If I cook or get engaged in any household jobs, it is mostly females from the home and neighborhood who make fun of me and remind me that I am a man and that I should not be doing a woman’s job.

The foreign migration of youth looking for job opportunities has affected the Tharu community. It was known that a large number of men were absent from the community. The participants stated that women in such households with absent men had gained authority and control over resources, moreover, these women have been taking some of the men’s roles. The participants disclosed that these women had greater access and control over resources and were involved in the key decision-making positioning them in a relatively higher position compared to other women. It was known that this higher position for women came with a price, they were under higher social vigilance and at higher risk of abuse and violence due to the absence of ‘protective men’. It was known that women's foreign employment was associated with myths and sexist remarks. The participants shared that women had to face strict social criticisms and that their plans for livelihood and independence were related to an issue of sexual immorality and chastity. The participants from both groups strictly opposed the norms that associated women with sexual immorality but lamented that it continues. A male participant provided an insight into the social remarks received by women if she dares to go for foreign employment,

If a woman wants to go for a foreign job, she is considered to be of loose character. The idea that she is corrupt and will get involved in bad work will be her first impression of anyone.

Although the participant did not explicitly describe what bad work referred to as but it was inferred that he was relating it to sex work.

Domestic and gender violence

The participants identified violence as control, coercion, and use of force against someone will occurring due to unequal status. They primarily identified men as the perpetrators and women as the victims of violence. They explained that two types of violence were observed in the community. The first type occurred in an interpersonal relationship identified as physical, emotional, and sexual violence. The second type, as explained by the participants had its roots in socio-cultural belief systems. They provided examples of dowry exchange and witchcraft accusations for the latter type. The participants identified women as primary victims and listed both men and women as the perpetrators of both types of violence. They reported that physical violence against women by men under the influence of alcohol was the most commonly occurring violence in the community. The participants from both groups confirmed that wife-beating, verbal abuse, and quarrel frequently occurred in the community. It was known from discussions that alcohol consumption among men was widespread, and its cultural acceptance was also increasing episodes of violence. One of the female participants clarified further,

The most common violence occurring in our society is wife-beating by a husband under the influence of alcohol. We see it every day.

The participants reported the occurrence of sexual violence in the community but also pointed out that people refrained from discussing it considering it a taboo and private affair. The participants had hesitation to discuss freely on sexual violence. During the discussions, participants from both groups informed only of rape and attempted rape of women by men as sexual violence present in the community. Despite repeated probing, on several occasions, none of the participants from either group brought up issues and discussions about any other forms of sexual violence. Participants from both groups confirmed that stories about incidents of rape or attempted rape emerged only after cases were registered with the local police. The participants presumed that incidents of rape and attempted rape were not known to the wider community. A female participant stated,

Sexual violence does occur in our community, but people mostly do not report or disclose it, but they tend to keep it amongst themselves and their families.

The participants explained the identity of the rape perpetrator and victim. They identified the perpetrator as a rich, influential, and relatively powerful man from the community. The victim was portrayed as a poor and isolated woman which lesser social ties. It was known from the discussions that most of the rape cases in the community were settled with financial negotiations and monetary compensations for the victim rather than finding legal remedies. It can be inferred that the victimization of women intersects with gender, wealth, social stature, and affluence. The participants feared that this practice of settlement of rape with money could make rape a commodity available for the powerful, rich, and affluent men to exploit and victimize women. A male participant clarifies,

Recently, a man in his sixties raped a young girl near our village. The victim's family was ready to settle with monetary compensation offered by the rapist, but the involvement of the community stopped it and the rapist was handed over to the police.

The participants shared available coping mechanisms against violence practiced in the community by women. It was learned that the victim of household violence mostly used community consultation and police reporting to evade further violence. They divulged that community consultation and police reporting resulted in decisions in favor of victim women, directing abusive husbands to show decency and stop committing violence. The fear of legal repercussions such as spending time in police custody and getting charged under domestic violence cases was understood as the reasons for husbands to stop abuse and violence. The discussions revealed that women who file a formal complaint about their husband’s violent behavior could face an increased risk of violence. The participants disclosed that sharing such incidents publicly brought shame to some of the men and increased their anger, and often backlashed with increased violence. The participants in both groups stated that not all women in the community reported violence. They identified that women tend to be quiet despite facing continuous violence due to the fear of encountering more violence and to keeping their families together. A female participant clarifies,

Lodging public complaints against the abusive husband can sometimes escalate the violence. The husband’s anger for being humiliated in public must be faced by the woman inside the closed doors of the house with more violence and the men’s threat of abandoning the relationship.

The participants stated that socio-cultural violence against women in dowry-related cases was widespread and increasing. The dowry exchange was explained as a traditional practice with the family of the bride paying cash and kind to the groom's family. The participants clarified that the practice of dowry in the earlier days must have been an emergency fund for the newly wedded bride in a newer setting. According to the participants, the system of dowry has now developed and evolved as a practice of forced involuntary transfer of goods and cash demanded by the groom’s family. The discussions disclosed that the demands for dowry were increasing with time and failing to provide as promised immediately resulted in violence for the newly wedded bride. The participants described that dowry-related violence starts with taunts and progresses to withholding of food, verbal abuse, and finally, physical violence. They added that perpetrators of such violence were both men and women from the groom’s family. They stated that due to poverty not all bride families in the community were able to supply all demanded dowry which has exposed a large number of women to face dowry-related abuse and violence. The discussions also informed of a newer trend among girls by demanding goods during their wedding. It was shared that this new emerging trend had increased a two-fold financial burden on the bride’s family with heavy marriage debts. The male participants when questioned about the dowry demands cunningly shifted the responsibilities towards family and stated that it was not the groom but their families who were making such dowry demands. The discussions verified that dowry practice was so engraved in the community that it was impossible to even imagine a marriage without any dowry. A male participant reflected,

If I marry without any dowry, my family, neighbors, and all whom I know would consider that I am insane.

The participants also discussed and identified harmful traditional practices present in the community. The participants informed a common practice of accusing women of as witches existed in the community. It was mentioned that women faced witchcraft allegations in different situations. They provided examples of witchcraft allegations in common situations such as when someone’s cow stops producing milk when a child has a sore eye, when someone is bedridden due to sickness for days, or when a woman undergoes a miscarriage, etc. The participants stated that women accused of witch were always elderly/single women living in seclusion, poverty, and with fewer social ties. They also shared that the witch doctors, who ascertain whether a woman is a witch or not, were surprisingly mostly always men and hold higher status, respect, and social recognition. The consequences of being labeled as a witch, as explained by the participants, haunted victim women with torture, name-calling, social boycott, and extremes of physical violence. The participants informed that inhumane practices such as forceful feeding of human excreta prevailed during the witch cleansing sessions. A female participant explaining the witchcraft situation stated,

Witchcraft accusation is very real in our community; I know someone who has tortured his mother, citing reasons for his wife being childless. The old woman was called names, beaten, and later thrown out of the home.

The participants felt that men’s use of violence and its legitimization primarily existed due to gender hierarchy and internalization of the belief that violence was the best method to resolve any conflict. They inferred that men’s use of violence was further reinforced by women's acceptance and belief that violence had occurred due to their faults and carelessness. The female participants shared examples of common household situations that could result in an episode of violence such as women cooking distasteful food, failing to provide timely care to children and the elderly due to workload, and forgetting to clean rooms. These incidents make women believe that violence majorly occurred due to their mistakes. Furthermore, the participants believed that this self-blaming of the victim resulted due to constant exposure to violence and a non-negotiable social positioning of women for raising questions. The participants stated that beliefs instilled by religion increased the likelihood of victimization for women. They explained that religious practices and ideologies required women to refer to their husbands as godly figures, and a religious belief that anything said or done against husbands was a disgrace bringing sin upon her and family positioned women in an inferior position. A male participant added,

We belong to a culture where females worship their husbands as a god, and this might be an important reason for men to feel powerful as a god to exploit and abuse women.

The discussions put forward the idea that the existence of discriminatory beliefs, reinforcement of such beliefs, and a blind following of such practices produced differences and violence. The male participants acknowledged that the idea of male supremacy not only produced violence but also established a belief system that considered violence as an indispensable way to treat deviated women. One male participant stated this idea of male supremacy and privilege as,

The language of the feet is essential when words fail.

The participants also discussed violence committed toward men by women. The male participants burst into laughter when they stated that some men were beaten by their wives when they were drunk. The male participants admitted that intoxication reduced their strength and they got beaten. The female participants, on the other hand, assumed that women hit intoxicated men due to frustration and helplessness. They further clarified that the act of husband beating was a situational reaction towards men who had spent all of their daily earnings on alcohol. They stated that women with the responsibility to cook and feed family find themselves in an utterly helpless situation by the irresponsible drinking behavior of men. The male participants shared incidences of violence against men due to foreign migration. It was revealed in the discussions that some of the migrating men’s wives had run away with remitted money, abandoning marriage, and breaking up the family. The male participants identified this as a form of victimization of men, furthermore, the spreading of rumors and gossip caused emotional instability in those men. The female participants confirmed that some returning men failed to find their homes, property, money, and/or their wives. The discussion participants in both groups identified that this practice was on the rise in the community. It became apparent from the discussions that this increasing trend of women running away with the money and breaking away from family was a personal issue requiring social remedies.

Chasing dreams

The participants referred to sex trafficking as the exploitation of women, arising from poverty, illiteracy, and deceit. Explaining the causes of trafficking, the participants stated that women living in poverty, having dreams of prosperity and abundance were tricked by the traffickers making them victims of sex trafficking. The participants mentioned that women who had dreams larger than life and yearned for a comfortable and luxurious life in a short time were at a greater risk for sex trafficking. The participants from both groups resonated that the traffickers had been manipulating the dreams of poor women and deceiving them into trafficking. A female participant elaborated,

Women in poverty can be fooled easily with dreams. She can be tricked by a trafficker by saying I will find you employment with good pay abroad, and she gets into the trap easily.

A male participant further clarified,

Women readily fall into fraud and trickery shown by the traffickers who assure of luxurious life with foreign employment and this bait often leads to sex trafficking.

They identified that false hopes for foreign jobs were primarily used as an entry point by the traffickers to trap potential victims. Besides, they stated that some traffickers tricked women with false romantic relationships and marriages to win over their trust enabling traffickers to maneuver women as they wished.

It was identified that traffickers were not always strangers but known and familiar faces from the community, allowing the traffickers to gain the victim’s trust. The discussions divulged that traffickers strategically chose women who were less educated and poor. The participants explained that sex trafficking mostly occurred among women from a lower caste (the caste system is hierarchy-based in Hindu society which is determined by birth and unchangeable). They further explained that if one of these lower caste women went missing, it seldom raised any serious concerns in society, making these women easy targets for the traffickers. The discussions revealed that life for the survivors of sex trafficking was difficult. They identified that the survivor had to face strong stigmas and stereotypes which further increased their risk for re-victimization. The participants explained that the social acceptance of the trafficking survivors was minimal and finding a job for survival was very difficult. It was reported that social beliefs, norms, and practices were rigid for sex trafficking survivors and provided lesser opportunities for complete social integration. A female participant stated,

The story of a sex-trafficked woman does not end after her rescue. It is difficult for her to live in society, and this increases her chances of being a further victim.

The discussions in both groups highlighted that education and awareness were important for reducing sex trafficking. The participants felt that securing a livelihood for women was essential, but they identified it as a major challenge. The female participants recommended the use of education and awareness for reducing sex trafficking. They demanded effective legal actions and stringent enforcement of the law with maximum punishment for offending sex traffickers. They mentioned that the fear of law with maximum punishment for culprits could help decrease cases of trafficking.

The theoretical concept of power play

The discussions identified that gender inequality and violence against women occurred as men possessed and exercised greater authority. The participants explained that the authority emerging from male-centric beliefs was reinforced through established socio-cultural institutions. It was known that oppressive practices toward women in both public and private life have led to the domination and devaluation of women. The differences between men and women were known to be instilled by evoking discriminatory beliefs and due to internalization of them as fundamental truths by women which further helps to sustain these created differences.

The concept of power-play developed from the study has its roots in the belief systems and was found constantly used by men to maintain created differences. The power-play rise due to patriarchy, guiding discriminatory norms and unequal gender practices. These norms and practices in the canopy of patriarchy positions women inferior to men and impose control and restrictions. The power play possessed multi-dimensional effects on women such as creating further barriers, restricted life opportunities, the need for men-centered anchoring systems, and exclusion from the public arena. The power play gains its strength from the strict enforcement of stereotypical practices and committed adherence to gender performances. This leads to internalization of subordination as a natural occurrence by women. These further isolate women putting them into several non-negotiating positions. The power play at an individual level provides restrictive movement for women, barring them from quality education and other life opportunities, and is exhibited in alcohol-related assault and sexual violence. At the structural level, this power play limits women from economic opportunities, access to resources, and decision-making, and induces socio-cultural inequality exhibited in dowry and cases of witchcraft. The socio-cultural acceptance of power-play allows men to use violence as a misuse of power and use it as an effort to maintain authority. The use of power-play for committing violence was identified as the worst display of exercised power play.

Figure  1 describes the concept of power-play developed from the study. The power-play model is based on discussions and inferences made from data analysis. The model provides a description and explanation of how women are subjected to inequality and face violence. The concept of power play derives its strength from the subjugated status of women which are based on selective treatment, self-embodiment of inferiority, imposed restrictions and due to lesser life opportunities. The power play gain legitimacy through social approval of the status differences between men and women and through social systems and institutions majorly developed and favoring men. The status difference between men and women and its approval by developed social institutions and processes give rise to the concept of powerplay. It identifies that status differences allow men to gain and (mis)use power play not only to maintain differences but also enable men to use violence. The use of power-play exists at both interpersonal and cultural levels. Further, the model elaborates on influencers causing subjugation of women, display of power-play, and violence. The model identified that lodging public complaints and seeking legal remedies are the influencers that suppress violence against women. The influence of Forum Theater was perceived to have greater influence for victim, perpetrator, and bystanders. The influencers that aggravate violence are fear of further violence, the nature of the interpersonal relationship, alcohol-related abuse, and remaining silent especially on sexual violence. The cultural violence mentioned in the model refers to dowry and witchcraft-related violence and stands as systemic subordination. In the model, sex trafficking is depicted as one of the outcomes of inequality and violence faced by women majorly occurring due to deceit and fraud.

The theoretical concept of power-play developed in this study identifies that inequality produces violence and violence further reinforces inequality, creating a vicious circle. The power play situates hierarchy based on gender as the primary cause and identifies violence as an outcome of this power asymmetry. The authority to use power by men is received by social approval from embedded structures and institutions. The functioning of associated structures and norms is designed and run by men helping to perpetuate the dominance and subjugation of women. The study identifies that both interpersonal and socio-cultural violence emerges due to the positional differences and use of power. The study found that an element of control exists in interpersonal violence. The findings show that few victim women in the community took advantage of consultations and rely on the law to evade and /or cope during the occurrence of interpersonal violence. A large number of victims women however suffer silently as they are unable and unwilling to take a stand on violence due to their perceived positional differences and strict norms following. The study finds that violence originating from socio-cultural systems is widely accepted and no established means of control exists. The practice of heinous acts against a fellow human during witchcraft allegations and dowry exchanges is prohibited by the law of Nepal but is widespread. This situates that practices which are based on belief systems are more effective than prevailing national laws which try to stop them. Sex trafficking as a form of sexual violence use deceit and fraud against women. Poverty and illiteracy compel women to search for alternatives, and they become easy victims of sex trafficking when their dreams of a better life are manipulated by the traffickers. The false promise of a better life and highly paid job put women in a non-negotiating position with traffickers. The cherished dream of escaping the prevailing status-quo of oppression, subordination, violence, and poverty mesmerizes women to take risky decisions, falling into the risk and trap of sex trafficking.

The socio-cultural norms are the unwritten script of social operatives and functioning. These social norms function as codes of operation and are a major determinant for behavior and interactions between people [ 43 ]. The study has found that these norms were skewed, and most favored men, giving rise to status differences and producing inequalities for women. This is observed with lesser life opportunities, lower participation in decision-making, and a constant need to anchor women. This further helps men to maintain their hierarchical positional status and use violence. The subjugation of women does not occur in a linear process, it is influenced by the internalization of discrimination resulting in lower self-esteem, suppression, and domination of women based on norms and unequal practices. Earlier research has identified that norms and beliefs encourage men to control women, and direct them to use force to discipline women which increases the risk of violence occurrence [ 44 , 45 ]. An earlier study shows that traits of masculinity require men to become controlling, aggressive, and dominant over women to maintain status differences [ 46 ]. The study confirms that men upon receiving both normative and social approval for using violence against women can do so without hesitation.

Violence against women in Nepal mostly occurs inside the home and is only reported when it reaches higher levels of severity. The acceptance of violence as a private affair has restricted women from seeking support and discourages them from communicating their problems with outsiders [ 47 ] this increases more likelihood for men to use violence. The study finds issues related to sex and sexual violence is a taboo and are seldom reported. The study could only identify cases of sexual assault registered with the police and other cases known to the wider community as sexual violence. A community with known incidents of rape may have other cases of abuse, harassment, incest, forceful sexual contact, etc. Failure to report incidents of sexual violence infer that a large number of women could be suffering in silence. Earlier research identifies that increased stigmatization associated with sexual violence, and fear of seclusion cause reluctance in victims to report or seek support [ 48 ]. This silencing of victims provides men with greater sexual control over women [ 49 ] increasing more likelihood of use of violence. Gender-based inequality and violence intersect structures, institutions, and socio-cultural processes, making inequality and violence visible at all levels. The dowry-related violence and witchcraft allegation intersect interpersonal and structural violence. This cultural violence forces women to be a victim of lifelong abuse and trauma. The intersecting relationship between gender norms, social structures, and individual is so closely knitted that it produces varieties of inequality and violence at all levels [ 50 ]. Emotional violence in this study only emerged as a type of violence, during discussions in both groups. It did not emerge as a major concern for the participants except for dowry-related violence and violence against men. The intertwined nature of emotional violence and its occurrence with each abusive, exploitative, and violent situation may have influenced the participants understand it as a result, rather than as a specific type of violence.

The power play between sexes was found in synchronicity with the established norms and prevailing stereotypes, helping to perpetuate gender power imbalance. The gender system is influenced and governed by norms and the social arena becomes the site of its reproduction through the interaction and engagement of people. This interaction provides approval to the institutions and processes that are based on constructed differences between men and women [ 51 ]. The power, as identified by Fricker [ 52 ], controls a social group and operates and operates through the agent or established social structures. A man can actively use the vested power to either patronize and/or abuse women while passively women’s internalization of social settings and embedded norms can put them docile. The social controls as reported by Foucault [ 53 ] work with the embedded systems of internalization, discipline, and social monitoring and uses coercion rather than inflicting pain. The internalization of status differences among women as indicated by the study confirms this schema of social control. The dominance of men over women with patriarchal beliefs establishes the significance of male-centered kinship. This requires women to constantly anchor with men providing grounds for inequalities to perpetuate further. This idealizes men and reinforces the belief that women are non-existent without their presence. The requirement for male anchorage has an attachment to prevailing structural inequality. The family property and resources are mostly controlled by men and it usually transfers from father to son limiting inheritance to women [ 51 ]. These glorified idealizations of men's competence as described by Ridgeway [ 54 ] idealize men as individuals with abilities, status, power, and influences. The need for women to rely on men as anchors, fear of going against the norms and social sanctions explains the positional difference and show that men possess greater competencies. The internalization of men-centric superior beliefs by women occurs due to self-passivity and devalues women creating false impressions of their abilities. The gender roles and responsibilities were strict for both sexes but provided greater flexibility, privilege, and opportunity for men. Earlier studies in congruence with this study find that socio-cultural expectations limit women from deviation, and strictly adhere to their prescribed role and expectations [ 55 , 56 ] providing an upper hand to the men. The unequal social positioning of women, as defined by a few of the participants, can help define men's use of violence. As inferred by Kaufman [ 57 ], the disadvantageous position of women and support from the established structures enable men to use aggression and violence with considerable ease. The concept of power-play derived from this study also reflects that inequalities not only create hierarchies, putting women into a subordinating position but also legitimize norms of harmful masculinity and violence [ 57 , 58 , 59 , 60 ] creating a vicious cycle of inequality and violence. The concept of power-play developed by this study requires further exploration of gender relations, injustice, and patriarchy to identify multiple operatives of power with an outcome of inequality and violence.

Strengths and limitations of the study

The study followed the same participants over a period, which helped the study to achieve clarity on the topics through constant engagement. The data collection and the initial data analysis of the study were conducted by the same person, which reduced the risk of misrepresented findings. The study used follow-up discussions, which provided an opportunity to meet the participants again to resolve any ambiguities. The constant engagement with the participants helped to develop rapport and trust, which is essential to enable meaningful discussions. The study gathered rich data for developing the theory of power play in the Nepalese context. The study has attempted to explain the interplay of men’s use of power play, gender inequality, and violence against women, which, in itself, is a complex, but important issue. The study helped to develop a platform by identifying a level of awareness and needs for a Forum Theatre intervention study, a first of its kind in Nepal.

The major limitation of the study is that it was conducted with only one of the ethnic populations of Nepal; thus, the findings from this study cannot be generalized to a completely different setting. However, the transferability of the study is possible in a similar setting. The incidences of inequality and violence shared by the participants were self-reported, and no other means of verification were available to crosscheck those claims. The differences among the participants both in and between groups based on education and marital status might have influenced the study participants to understand, observe, and experience the phenomenon. The possibility of social desirability bias remains with the study, as a constant engagement with the study participants might have influenced them to answer differently. Furthermore, the discussions were conducted in groups, and participants might have had hesitation to bring up any opposing views. The study relied on collecting information on social norms and individual experiences and the perceptions of the study participants. It cannot be claimed that the study is devoid of any data rigidity as participants were free to choose what they wanted to share and express.

Study implications

The study explains gender practices, norms, violence against women, and sex trafficking in Nepal. The study helps to increase the understanding of how gender systems are operative in the daily lives of the Tharu community in the Morang district of Nepal. Future studies can explore the established linkages of interpersonal and socio-cultural violence. Like the complex link existing between gender inequality and violence against women, interpersonal violence and socio-cultural violence cannot be studied in isolation. The study provides an opportunity for future research on exploring how changing norms have been altering the position and victimization of women. The study finds that changing gender norms and responsibilities have, on the one hand, provided agency and empowerment for women, but on the other hand, they have also increased their risk of being a victim, an area that requires further exploration. The study has identified that constant engagement with the study participants through follow-up studies ensures the richness of data, which can be useful information for a future research study design. The study can be helpful for policy development, social activists, leaders, and researchers as it discusses prevalent gender oppressions and victimization, which need to be addressed. The findings from the study can be helpful for dialogue imitation and for designing intervention projects aimed at providing justice and equality to women.

The study identifies the presence of gender inequalities and violence against women in the study area. The positional differences based on norms, institutions, and practices have assigned greater privileges to men. The concept of power-play devised by the study ascertains the maintenance of gender hierarchy to produce inequality further and victimization of women. The subjugation of women based on the social-cultural process, embedded belief systems, and norms prevent women from life opportunities and dignified life. It situates men at the highest rung of the gender and social ladder providing a comparative advantage for men to use power. Violence emerges as men’s use of power play and as a strategy for the continued subjugation of women. Sex trafficking as a consequence of inequality and violence has its origins in illiteracy and poverty with women falling prey to the deceit of traffickers. It is important that dreams for progression provide motivation for women to develop further but at the same time, dreams should not be exchanged with trickery and fraud offered by the traffickers. Awareness and attitudinal changes are imperative to challenge unequal norms, and practices, and reduce the risks of sex trafficking. This can help to develop negotiations for power-sharing which helps to reduce inequality, violence, and preparedness in chasing dreams. Changes at both individual and societal levels are necessary to develop a collective action for establishing belief systems and practices providing women with an equal position and reducing the risk of violence.

Availability of data and materials

The datasets generated and/or analyzed during the current study are not publicly available due to privacy but are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

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Acknowledgements

The authors are grateful to all the focus group discussion participants. The authors are indebted to Bhojraj Sharma, Deekshya Chaudhary, Subham Chaudhary, and Dev Kala Dhungana for their coordination and facilitation in reaching the discussion participants.

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PD, SKJ, and KS were involved in the study design. PD and KS developed the discussion guides. PD was responsible for the data collection and the data analysis. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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Dahal, P., Joshi, S.K. & Swahnberg, K. A qualitative study on gender inequality and gender-based violence in Nepal. BMC Public Health 22 , 2005 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-022-14389-x

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UN Women and Election Commission foster dialogue for gender inclusion in Nepali elections

Date: Tuesday, 21 May 2024

Author: Manjeeta Gurung

Constitutional, political, and legal arrangements have increased representation of women in various levels of governance in Nepal. Despite these improvements, there is still a significant gender disparity, with men overwhelmingly dominating leadership positions, especially at the local level. Almost 98 percent of the heads, presidents and ward presidents of the local level are men.

In this context, UN Women in collaboration with Election Commission of Nepal organized a dialogue entitled “2024 Elections and Women: Nepal’s Efforts, Achievements and Future Directions” in Kathmandu. The dialogue delved into the intersection of elections and women’s representation and highlighted the need to make electoral processes more inclusive for women. Timed with the 114th International Women's Day celebration in Nepal, the event echoed the call to "invest in women to accelerate progress."

Over 100 participants took part in the event, including parliamentarians, elected local and provincial leaders, political party representatives, government officials, development partners, civil society organizations (CSOs), and members of the media.

Organized as a part of concerted efforts to overcome legal, practical, and societal barriers hindering women's participation in politics and leadership, the dialogue was also aimed at fostering gender equality in electoral policies, plans, and strategies.

“In spite of a notable female voter base, women's candidacy remains disproportionately low. The Election Commission of Nepal is actively collaborating with political parties to foster dialogues on essential reforms, including amendments to laws governing party structures,” said Honorable Chief Election Commissioner, Mr. Dinesh Kumar Thapaliya, during the event.

Patricia Fernandez-Pacheco, UN Women Nepal Country Representative, commended the country’s example of achieving 41 per cent women representation in the first federal election. She emphasized, "Women's participation in all state bodies is fundamental for inclusive democracy. Nepal's achievement is commendable, however sustaining progress requires robust legislative action. Challenges like violence against women in politics, including character assassination, discrimination based on caste and appearance, financial constraints and gender norms must be addressed."

During the dialogue, Sharu Joshi, founder member at Nepal’s Inter-Generational Feminist Forum, delivered a presentation on 'Participation of Women in Political Development of Nepal - Achievements, Challenges and Way Forward'. She highlighted the crucial role of access to information and resources and emphasized that financial constraints and caste diversity pose significant obstacles for women’s effective participation in electoral processes.

Gopal Krishna Siwakoti, President of the International Institute for Human Rights, Environment and Development (INHURED), urged for a transformative shift in societal perceptions, positioning women as vital actors in politics. He stressed the importance of women's presence in all levels of governance, emphasizing the positive outcomes of female leadership. He called for collective efforts to dismantle stereotypes and discriminatory practices, fostering an environment conducive to women's political participation.

During the event, participants were organized into groups to facilitate focused discussions on key topics concerning electoral reform and gender inclusion, including legal reforms in election management, initiatives to increase women representatives in elections, legal reforms in political parties, reform in gender and inclusive policies and strategies of the Election Commission, and actions to be taken by the Government of Nepal and other agencies. This group work enabled participants to generate actionable recommendations aimed at advancing democratic processes in Nepal.

The discussions looked closely at the rules and laws safeguarding women's representation and examined the inclusion of women by political parties. Looking ahead, practical plans were suggested during the group discussion to ensure women's voices are heard in elections, including reforms in election laws and enhancement of commission strategies.

"The suggestions and views put forth during the discussion are assets for mapping our future endeavors. We must actively work towards enhancing the circumstances of women and marginalized groups, ensuring inclusivity and progress for everyone,” said Election Commissioner Dr. Janaki Kumari Tuladhar in her closing remarks.

Participants concluded that addressing the challenges of women's political representation requires parties, government agencies, civil society organizations, and other stakeholders to commit to implementing inclusive policies in line with the constitutional framework.

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Status of Women in Nepal

A single statement applicable to all the women in Nepal cannot be made as different groups of women enjoy different status. For instance, Hindu women and the women belonging to indigenous ethnic groups have different rights and suffered from different modes of oppression. The latter groups enjoy more excess and control of researchers. Indigenous women have relatively a higher degree of social mobility, and posses freedom within the private sphere.

They are, however, unable to participate in the public realm due to the dominant ideology of culture being practised. Dissimilarly, Hindu women have no autonomy within private sphere, but enjoy limited positions in the public sphere. Their oppression stems from the concepts of hierarchy, the caste system, traditional thought about food, and the high value of chastity. Although the women belonging to different caste, religion and culture have different status, one thing is certain that they are being oppressed with respect to economic , socio-cultural, political and legal status which cannot be analysed into isolation because each is intrinsically tied to the next. But for the sake of clarity, each category is discussed separately.

 Let’s discuss economic status. The dominant Hindu religion and culture have popularized a belief that women should be dependent on males for income from cradle to grave. Men are considered the sole breadwinners of families; and women are viewed only as domestic maternal. Women’s work is confined to the household. Their responsibilities are thought to include cooking, washing, collecting fuel and firewood, fetching water, engage in agriculture, maternity, and service to males and other family members. Although their work plays a vital role, it is normally left uncounted.

Women involved in wage-labour

 The work load of Nepalese women is immense. They work about 16 hours everyday. Nepalese women are mainly engaged in agriculture work, carpet industries, and wage-labour activities. Furthermore, Nepalese women are compelled to resort to prostitution and to be sold as commercial sex workers. Because of modernization, their workload has certainly increased. Thus, they are now forced to perform triple roles: that of mother,of a traditional wife and of a community participant. Generally Nepalese women have much less access of industrial credit, both an individual and household enterprise levels irrespective of ecological regions, urban or rural areas and ethnic or castes. Complicating economic disparity is the increasing feminization of poverty. To remedy this situation, women would need full economic rights.

Dowry system

 Let’s discuss socio-cultural status. Patriarchy persists as the dominant ideology under Hindu religion and culture. The constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal codified this declaring Nepal a Hindu Kingdom. The religion and its associated culture, norms and values have prevailed for hundred of years and as the result, Hindu women are more oppressed. Because of the great diversity of Nepalese society,the status of women can not be defined by Hinduism alone. These are various indigenous ethnic groups and races. Comparing to Hindu women, indigenous women have relatively better status concerning social mobility, decision making, and sexuality. But the Muslim women have the worst social status among the women belonging to different religions and cultures. The existing dowry system is to be thought to be one of the hindrances for Nepalese women. Many newly married women especially in the Terai are badly tortured by the spouse and other senior family members. The overall literacy rate of women is considerably low; only 24.7 % of Nepalese women are literate. Nepal is one of only two countries in the world where women’s life expectancy is less than that of men.

Women in politics

In Nepalese political status, Nepalese women have been involved in the political movement since the fifties but several factors have prevented them from actively participating in local and national politics. These factors include: the dominant ideology of patriarchy, male chauvinism, criminalization of policies, lack of equal property rights, restrictions on women’s mobility, and domination of men in all the political parties. Only few women have gained higher public positions. An encouraging trend is the presence of  a lot of elected women representatives in the local bodies. This is due to the provision of seat reservation at this level. However, women lack the power to contribute significantly even within these roles as most of the resources are controlled by their male colleagues.

Status of women at present

 To conclude, we can mention that Nepalese women have already opened the door to achieve the destinations of their entire freedom and rights along with their responsibilities. There is no solution to this miserable condition of Nepalese women unless they are adequately and appropriately educated concerning their rights and responsibilities.

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Download entire report as .pdf

Download sections of report as .pdf.

Globally, some progress on women’s rights has been achieved. In Nepal, 91.7% of legal frameworks that promote, enforce and monitor gender equality under the SDG indicator, with a focus on violence against women, are in place. As of February 2021, 32.7% of seats in parliament were held by women. In 2019, 61.9% of women of reproductive age (15-49 years) had their need for family planning satisfied with modern methods.

However, work still needs to be done in Nepal to achieve gender equality. 32.8% of women aged 20–24 years old who were married or in a union before age 18. The adolescent birth rate is 63 per 1,000 women aged 15-19 as of 2018, down from 88.2 per 1,000 in 2015. In 2018, 11.4% of women aged 15-49 years reported that they had been subject to physical and/or sexual violence by a current or former intimate partner in the previous 12 months.

As of december 2020, only 41.8% of indicators needed to monitor the SDGs from a gender perspective were available, with gaps in key areas, in particular: unpaid care and domestic work and information and communications technology skills. In addition, many areas – such as gender and poverty, physical and sexual harassment, women’s access to assets (including land), and gender and the environment – lack comparable methodologies for reguar monitoring. Closing these gender data gaps is essential for achieving gender-related SDG commitments in Nepal.

Gender data gaps and country performance

For this score, we use the 72 gender-specific SDG indicators in the Women Count Data Hub’s SDG Dashboard for the 193 UN Member States. For each indicator, we calculate the 33rd and 66th percentiles of the distribution and, based on those two values, countries are classified as belonging to high performance, medium performance and low performance categories. For more details, see the methodological note and the article “We now have more gender-related SDG data than ever, but is it enough?”

• Low performance
• Medium performance
• High performance
• Missing data

Country score - Nepal

Average region score - asia, inclusive development, shared prosperity and decent work, 1.1.1 employed population below international poverty line. age 15+., 1.3.1 proportion of population above statutory pensionable age receiving a pension., 8.5.2 unemployment rate. age 15+., social protection, poverty and freedom from violence, stigma & stereotypes, 1.3.1 proportion of mothers with newborns receiving maternity cash benefit., 2.1.2 prevalence of severe food insecurity in the adult population (%)., 3.1.1 maternal mortality ratio (per 100,000 live births)., 3.7.2 adolescent birth rate (per 1,000 women aged 15-19 years)., literacy rate, age 15+., rate of out of school children. primary and lower secondary education., 5.2.1 proportion of ever-partnered women and girls subjected to physical and/or sexual violence by a current or former intimate partner in the previous 12 months. age 15-49., 5.3.1 proportion of women aged 20-24 years who were married or in a union before age 18 (%), before age 15. before age 18., 5.4.1 proportion of time spent on unpaid domestic chores and care work. all locations., political participation, accountability and gender-responsive institutions, 5.1.1 legal frameworks that promote, enforce and monitor gender equality (percentage of achievement, 0 - 100), area 1: overarching legal frameworks and public life, area 2: violence against women, area 3: employment and economic benefits, area 4: marriage and family, proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments (% of total number of seats), proportion of elected seats held by women in deliberative bodies of local government, proportion of women in managerial positions, proportion of women in senior and middle management positions, 5.c.1 proportion of countries with systems to track and make public allocations for gender equality and women's empowerment., environmental, environmental conservation, protection and rehabilitation, 3.9.1 age-standardized mortality rate attributed to household air pollution (deaths per 100,000 population)., 6.1.1 proportion of population using safely managed drinking water services, by urban/rural., 7.1.2 proportion of population with primary reliance on clean fuels and technology., gender-specific indicators.